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THE 


FREEMAN’S MANUAL; 


A BOOK OF 


PRINCIPLES AND FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE, 


AND 


ESPECIALLY ADAPTED 




TO THE USE OF 


REPUBLICAN SPEAKERS AND ORATORS. 



B Y IC CODDING. 


PRINTED HV 

WRIGHT, MEDILL, DAY & CO., TRIBUNE OFFICE. 
1856. 





PREFACE. 


It is the simple design of this little work to put in a condensed form, and 
easy of reference, the principles, facts and authorities most required in the Re¬ 
publican argument, and best adapted to refute the Slavocratic party against 
which we are contending. These facts and authorities are scattered over a 
wide field, and to gather them and condense them requires knowledge, time 
and skill. It cannot be expected that each person can do it for himself, in a 
satisfactory manner. The undersigned is fully aware that more time at com¬ 
mand would have enabled him to have performed his task more to his own 
mind, and therefore more acceptably. But he flatters himself that, in putting 
out this “hand-book,” he has done some service to a cause in which he has 
long taken a deep and increasing interest. I. C. 


% 




CHAPTER I. 


th^ South' 

the South ought not to labor for the extension of slavery but shouM 
rather curtail it where it did ,, i> , ,, , ,.•?> Dut snould 


” ° CWellnr H 6 H d!d CXi '?*• “ But >” he added,' «. it is not 

true. Chancellor Harper says, in an essay on this subject read a 

few years ago before a Charleston (S. C.) audience, “It is as much 
in the order of nature and of God that men should enslave each 
0 t m e . r a c ? t l ? t auima ' s should prey upon each other.” 

I he Southern press is now taking this ground generally The 

a recent number oAhe Charleston (S. C ) 

i 

I8 ?“ ® on g Ias > in his Fourth of July speech at Philadelphia, 

fed 5 etat? i t Wa3adee ’ aratl ?, nof tte rights of the C0,0Qies “/con¬ 
federate States as against Great Britain. So down to such Pro- 

Slavery Douglas journeymen as our McConneh’ and Davidsons, and 
equality is ^enied /’ 68 “ ° Ur mBowa *> “Redeclaration of human 
This denial practically constitutes the basis of the Pro-Slaverv 
public avowal^ ^ *** Ieadmg mind3 are °P en a "d frank in its 

In opposition to these sectional and aristocratic views, the Repub¬ 
licans hold with the fathers. The original draught of the Ameri¬ 
can Declaration as it came from the hand of Thomas Jefferson 
contained the following eloquent clause touching the slave trade : ’ 

itseKvinl»H?i° g t ° f E “g land ), hp waged a cruel war against human natural 
itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a 
distant people who never offended him ; captivating and carrying them into 




8 


FREEMAN S MANUAL. 


The supreme court of Mississippi has declared: 

“ We view this, (the condition of slavery) as a right existing by positive law, 
of a municipal character, without foundation in the law of nature or in the 
unwritten or common law.”— Rankin vs. Lydia, 2 Marshall,p. 479, >x 

1 

The supreme court of Missouri has declared : 

“ Slavery is condemned by reason and the law of nature. It exists and 
can exist, only through municipal regulations.”— Harry vs. Decker, Walker’s 
R. p. 42 

The supreme court of Louisiana has declared : 

« The relation of owner and slave is, in the States of the Union in which it 
has legal existence, a creature of municipal law. Although, perhaps, in none 
of them a statute introducing it as to t he blacks can be produced, it is believed 
that in all statutes were passed for regulating and dissolving it.”—114 Martin’s r 0 
Louisiana Reports. •>; 

Any clause in the Constitution which should sanction or support 
slavery must be as marked and exceptional in that instrument as is 
the institution itself in a republican form of Government. Do we 
find any such language in the Constitution '( So far otherwise that 
the very word “ slave ” was not allowed to pollute that sacred instru-* 
ment. There is not a single word in that noble charter of our 
liberties which gives to Congress the power to make a slave any 
more than to make a king. In the absence of all language in the 
Constitution conveying, in the remotest sense, the idea that there can 
be property in a human being, we have the most explicit declaration 
of its principles, which forbid such a possibility. 

In the preamble of the Constitution we find proclaimed in the fol¬ 
lowing decisive language, the grand design of the people of the 
United States: 

“ We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, 
establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the Uni tec 
States of America.” 

Thus, by unmistakable language, the Constitution was ordained, 
not to promote , sanction, or secure , slavery ; not to make slavery 
national; hut to “ establish justice, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty 

In perfect keeping with this design of the people of the United 
States, as set forth in the preamble of the Constitution, is the fifth 
Article of the Amendments. 

The history of this Article is significant. 

The following amendment was proposed by Virginia : 

“ No freeman ought to be taken, imprisoned or disseized of his freehold, 
liberties, or franchises, or outlawed, or exiled, or in auy manner destroyed or 
deprived of his life, liberty or property, bid by the law of the land.” —3 Elliot’s 
Debates, 658. 


freeman's manual. 


9 


Bid Congress adopt this proposition and recommend it to the peo- 
ple ? The amendment which they adopted and recommended, and 
ich now forms part of the Constitution, was more consonant with 
e tone of the instrument, and more in accordance with the spirit 
the time. r 


■No person * * # * shall be deprived of life, liberty or 
nut by due process of law.”— Con., Amendt., Art. V. 


property, , 


Mark the significant substitution of the word “ per&n ” for 
f reeman ! I his amendment alone, rightly interpreted and 

pplied, would he competent to prevent the introduction of slavery 
- .to any territory acquired by the United States. 

In harmony with this interpretation of the Constitution are the 
ntemporaneous declarations made in the Constitutional Conven- 
‘ l0n , and elsewhere shedding a clear light upon the meaning of the 
^°rd “ person/' under which, if at all, slaves are alluded to in the 
institution. Early in the convention Gouveneur Morris, of Penn¬ 
sylvania, declared that he never would aid in upholding slavery: it 
was the curse of Heaven in the State where it prevailed." 

Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, said “ the morality or wisdom 
of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves." 

From Mr. Madison's report we gather the following declarations, 
ja de during the discussions of the clause relating to the African 
s^ave trade. 

41 Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, said that ‘ we have nothing 
fj do with the conduct of the States touching slavery j but we ought 
1o be careful and not give any sanction to it.’ 

“ B.oger Sherman ‘ was opposed to any tax on slaves imported, as 
making the matter worse, because it implied that they wereproperty .' 

“After debate the subject was committed to a committee of deven, 
who subsequently reported a substitute, authorizing a tax on such 
gration or importation at a rate not exceeding the average duties 
. lion imports.' 

This language, classifying persons with merchandize, seemed to 
imply .a recognition that they were property. Mr. Sherman at once 
declared himself against ‘ that part acknowledging men to be prop- 
.rty—by taxing them as such, under their character, as slaves.' 

“ Mr. Madison ‘ thought it wrong to admit, in the Constitution, 
the idea that there could be property in men.’ ” 

“ It was finally agreed to make the clause read—' hut a tax or duty 
inay he imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for 
each person.' 

This record clearly demonstrates that the word “person" was 
substituted for phrases implying property, in order to exclude from 
the Constitution the idea that there can be property in human beings, 
and to show that slaves were ever to be considered persons. In the 
first Congress under the Constitution this was understood. A motion 


10 


freeman’s manual 


being under consideration to introduce into the import bill a duty 
on the importation of slaves, Roger Sherman, declared that ‘ the 
Constitution does not consider these persons as property; it speaks 
of them as persons.’ ” 

John Jay, in the “ Federalist,” says: ‘ Let the case of the slaves be 
considered as it is in truth—a peculiar one, let the compromising 
expedients of the Constitution be mutually adopted, which regard 
them as inhabitants but as based below the equal level of free inhab-j 
itants, which regard the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man.” 

Three-fifths then of manhood remain to the slave ! 

One record more from the Madison papers:— 

“ Aug. 28, 1787. Mr. Butler and Mr. Pickney moved to require 
fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like convicts. 

“ Mr. Wilson said, this would oblige the executive of State to do 
it at public expense. 

“ Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the seizing and surren-1 
dering the slave, or servant, than a horse. Mr. Butler withdrew 
his proposition in order that some particular provision might be made. 
apart from this article. 

“ August 17, ’87, Mr. Butler moved to insert, ‘If any person; 
bound to service or labor in any of the United States shall escape ; 
into another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such ser¬ 
vice by any jegulation subsisting in the State to which they escape, 
but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service 
or labor.’ 

“Afterthe engrossment, Sept. 15th, the term ‘ legally’ was stricken 
from the third paragraph of Sec. 2d, Article 4, and the words “under 
the laws thereof” inserted after the word “ State,” in compliance 
with the wishes of some who thought the term “legally” to be 
equivocal, and to favor the idea that slavery was legal in a moral ! 
view.” — Madison’s Debates, p. 487, 402. 

A distinguished living statesman, in a speech, made in the Sen¬ 
ate of the United States, in 1850, remarks: 

“ The Constitution does not expressly affirm anything on the subject [of 
slavery !] ; all it contains is two incidental allusions'to slavery. These are fiist 
in the provision establishing a ratio of representation and taxation ; and . 
secondly in the provision relating to fugitives from labor. In both cases the 
Constitution mentions slaves, not as slaves, much less as chatties ; but as per¬ 
sons. That the recognition of them as persons was designed, is historically 
recorded and I think was never denied,” 

As the Keystone to this argument, we quote the opinion of a 
learned judge of the supreme bench, Mr. Justice McLean : 

“ If slaves are considered in some of the states as merchandize, that cannot 
clnest them of the leadiug quality of persons by which they are designated 
in.the constitution, J & 

The character of property is given to them by the local law. This law is ; 
respected, and all rights under it are protected by the Federal authorities ; 




freeman’s manual 


11 


but the constitution acts upon slaves as persons and not as slaves therefore 
frter’l p. 599 aI ' D charactcr and in lts effects.” Groves vs. SlaugldJ, 15 

T 1 ??; a fair interpretation of the Constitution would be equal to a 
prohibitory law in all territory of the United States. Hence, that 
rnl f T °- ( Dou S las ’ Kansas-Nebraska bill, which gives to the 
P ®° P ! '/ ■ a te ™ tor y P, 0 '™' t0 introduce slavery, is not only barbar¬ 
ous, but in flat contradiction with the Constitution 

Hut in the absence of any judicial decision in any ease involving 
the whole question, it becomes necessary to have a prohibitory law 
of Congress. Such law, so far from being a violation of the Con¬ 
stitution, would be but carrying out its letter and spirit.”— Coddina’s 
speech versus Douglas. J 

The following are the only clauses in the Constitution which can 

* from Ur ? ? C i 0W We C °Py remarks U P° Q Item, 

° f T t i ie National Era as pertinent to our purpose 
under this head. If our opponents confine themselves to the letter 
of the clause they find no slavery; if they ask for the spirit and 
intention as settled by the Constitution and contemporaneous historv 

wrn^^ mUSt ad ° Pt ° Ur inter P retation - In either case they are 
wr °n 0 . 

cr a r& re w'i, ta 'li VeS an K dire f‘ ta “ s sba11 be apportioned, among the sev- 
eiai States which may be embraced within this Union, according to their 

ber P of ft' 6 nnmber ’ wh j c b shall be determined by adding to the whole num- 
bet of free persons, including those bound to service for I term of years and 

3, C^ 1 £?S. nd ' a “ S " 0t taX6d ' thm -fif‘ hs °f M other P‘rsom. "-Art. 1, see. 

“ ^ b ? migration or importation of suck persons as any of the States now 

“, ‘veir isorr; to , admit ' s , hal1 ■"» b " £ ir™™, 

esc a Din^ 0 i,Car?oIh e !r 1? ° r labor in one State ’ undeI ' the laws thereof. 

Sec. 11 . b 10 " rbom sucb service or labor may be due.”— Con. XL ,S„ Art. 4, 

confirming our views, as illustrating the intention of those 
who framed the federal Constitution, and the opinions of Madison 

tiX ! “f" lzed . autbon . t y wi *h Southern statesmen, and as incidental 
though forcible test.mony to the soundness of the position asaailed 
V, , Sentinel, we shall close this article by quoting freely from a 
debate which sprung up on the subject of the slave trade, in the 
first Congress under the Constitution. ’ 

M Jp t t nff bil ' bavir !S been repoUed in the House, in May, 1788, 
of ’t P J| k n r ’ ° f Vlrgmia ’, moved t0 insert a clause imposing a duty 

had nnl ih ” ° D eVe , ry S ' aVe T P °. rted - He Was sorr y ‘hat Congress 
had not the power to stop the importation altogether. “ It was 

contrary to revolutionary principles, and ought not to be permitted.” 

Smith, of South Carolina, with characteristic jealousy of Federal 




12 


freeman's manual. 


interposition, opposed the motion.. Sherman of Connecticut, fav¬ 
ored the object of the motion, but did not think it a fit subject to 
be embraced in the bill. (( He could not reconcile himself to the 
insertion of human beings, as a subject of impost, among goods, i 
wares, and merchandise.” He hoped the motion would be with¬ 
drawn for the present, and taken up afterwards as an independent j 
subject. 

Jackson, of (Georgia, opposed the motion, charged Virginia with j 
selfishness in her labors to suppress the slave trade, hoped the 
gentleman would withdraw his motion, and that, should it be 
brought forward again, u it might comprehend the white slave (as 
well as the black) imported from all the jails of Europe." . 

Parkor persisted in his motion. u He hoped Congress would do 
all in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges ; 
to wipe off if possible, the stigma under which America laboured; 
to do away the inconsistency of our principles, justly charged upon 
us ; and to show by our actions, the pure beneficence of the doc - ! 
trines held out to the world in our Declaration of Independence. 

Ames, of Masachusetts, “ detested Slavery from his soul; but he 
had some doubts whether imposing a duty on their importation 
would not have an appearance of countenancing the practice." 

At this juncture, Mr. Madison, who had taken a leading part in 
the construction of the Constitution, came to the support of the 
motion of his colleague in a powerful speech. Read some extraets 
from it, and say whether the Virginia statesman, a fair representa¬ 
tive at that time of the u father of the Republic," regarded Slaves 
or Slavery as the Sentinel and its associates now do, [as the Pierce 
and Douglas Democracy now do,] or rather, whether his views do 
not confirm those presented in the Era : 

“ The confounding men with merchandise," he said, u might be 
easily avoided, by altering the title of the bill; it was in fact the 
very object of the motion, to prevent, men so far as the power of 
Congress extended, from being confounded with merchandise. The 
clause in the Constitution allowing a tax to be imposed, though the 
trafic, could not be prohibited for twenty years, was inserted, he 
believed, for the very pvrpose of enabling Congress to give some \ 
testimony of the sense of America with respect to the African trade. 

<< Ry expressing a national disapprobation of the trade, it is to 
be hoped we may destroy it, and so save ourselves From reproach ^ 
and our posterity from the imbecility ever attendaent on a country j 
filled with slaves. 

“ This was as mueh the interest of South Carolina and Georgia; 
as any other states. Every addition they received to their number, 
of Slaves, tended to weakness, and rendered them less capable of 
self defence. In case of hostilities with foreign nations, their 1 
slave population would be a means, not of repelling, but of inviting 
attack. It was the duty of the General Government to protect J 




freeman’s manual. 


13 

the S ni °f again f dan S ers > aa well interna] as external. 

Everything therefore, that tended to increase this danger 
though 't might be a local affair, yet if it involved national expense 
or safety became of concern to every part of the union and a 
proper subject for the consideration of those charged with the gen- 
eral administration of the government.” ^ 

motion^ ° f Virgin ' a > Was no less decided ia ^is support of the 

Still c!n k W ed tllat ’ , if ” ot particularly named, slaves would 
still fall under the general five per cent, ad valorem duty on all 
unenumerated articles. y 

“ ^ adiso ? re P lied > that no collector of the customs would pre¬ 
sume to apply the terms goods, wares and merchandise to persons • 
and in this he was supported by Sherman, who denied that persons 
were recognized anywhere in the Constitution as property. He 
t ought that the clause in the Constitution on which the present 
motion was founded applied as much to other persons as to slaves 
and that there were other persons to whom it ought to be applied 5 
as convicts, for instance; but the whole subject ought to be taken 
up by itself. Finally, upon Madison’s suggestion, Parker consented 

W !vr ra 5 Gls motion, with the understanding that a separate bill 
should be brought in.” 


CHAPTER in. 

The General Government has uniformly refused to pay for Slaves 
as property till a recent date. 

Up to 1848 no report favorable to the idea that the Constitution 
sanctions the right of property in man was ever made , and never 
was there a deliberate vote given by Congress to pay the public 
money for slaves as property,* till after that date. 

“In the year 1830, the Register of the Treasury declared that 
no instance of the payment for slaves during the Revolution, was 
to be found on record. No, sir; Madison and Jefferson were then 
Iivmg. Hut many were hired or impressed, and lost durin- the 

It is stated, on good authority, that the first attempt to mate this 
government pay for slaves was in 1816. I give the statement in 
Mr. biddings own words. 

“After the close of the late war with England, a bill was pend- 
mg^in this House, providing for the payment for property lost or 

IW ! £8£5f£ fr ° m Gidding8 ' S *> eecb <>“ “ ^entfor 

2 



14 


freeman’s manual. 


destroyed during that war. When the section providing for the 
payment for horses, carts, etc., which were impressed into public 
service and destroyed, was under consideration, Mr. Maryant, from 
South Carolina, moved to amend the bill so as to embrace slaves. 

The motion was opposed by Mr. Yancy and Mr. Robertson, and 
was negatived by a large majority.* That was a motion so to amend 
the bill as to pay for slaves, “ if killed in the public service, when 
they had been impressed ” 

The following, from the Committee on Claims of the Senate (vide 
Rep. H. R. 401, 1st Session ‘21st Congress,) will show the nature 
of one of the specifications to sustain the amendment which was 
lost as above. 

“ The cart, horse, and negro man, Antoine, belonging to the peti¬ 
tioner, were impressed, and sent to the lines of the American army, 
on the first day of January, 1815, where the negro man was killed 
by a cannon ball from the British batteries.” The petitioner was 
paid for his property , viz : the horse and cart, but not for the 
“ Negro man.” 

“The next case,” says Mr. Giddings, “ was that of D’Auterive. 
He had claims against the United States for wood and other neces¬ 
saries furnished the army, and for the loss of time and expense of 
nursing a slave who was wounded in the service of government at 
New Orleans. This case is more interesting from the fact, that 
there was at that time an attempt, as on the present occasion, to 
break down that well known principle in our Constitution that 
“slaves are persons and not property.” 

The Committee on Claims, at. that time (1828), was composed of 
four Northern men and three Southern. * * That committee 

reported in favor of allowing compensation for the articles furnished 
to the army, but said, expressly, that “ Slaves not being property, 
they could NOT allow the master any compensation for his loss.” 
This was the unanimous report. Mr. Williams of North Carolina, 
Mr. McCoy of Virginia and Mr. Owen of Alabama uniting in the 
report. * * * “They (the gentlemen from the South) made a 

strenuous effort to reverse the decision of the Committee on Claims; 
but after some two weeks’ discussion, gave it up, laid the subject on 
the table, and there the matter ended.” 

Thus on full discussion, thirty-nine years after the adoption of the 
Constitution, the doctrine that the Constitution does not recognize 
property in men was re-affirmed by Congress. 

The next instance of an effort to appropriate the treasure of the 
nation to pay for slaves, was in 1843. 

“ A bill for the relief of the people of West Florida,” says Mr. 
Giddings, in the same speech, intended to provide for the payment 
of slaves taken by the army of Gen. Jackson from the inhabitants 

•See National Intelligencer, Dec. 28, 1816. 


freeman’s manual 


15 


power of the nation. I think that therT ? by tbe milltar y 

-S; 5 .£'£^a 

«»Urrnttir's; s ™? is - k - 

before me, and shows the hill + A u. r ' . e J ourna l is now 

one hundred and thirteen to thirty^six” ^ rejected ’ b y a vote of 

tho r f a :tr“ed c r° t h u e p ei: e 1848 ' The fo,iowing is a * 

s^s^skSzs 

ger? “ihHimfET ^ ‘^P^ProP^oned lo'tZlln- 

;sr. tt ~ r ™ 

the white p^oX S untiri 83 T th h the p m ^Tr deprcdations gainst 

.~*J^WZtt!ssrirsz 

t"T> S'S;; 

defeat. General Jessup declares that he regarded him as a rlinwr 

him sent west with the Indians, believing that if left in the country 
he wouM be employed against our troops. y 

i • ^ e ,i^ as sen 1 t , w f, st > and tlle claimant now asks that we shall mv 
him a thousand dollars as the value of this man’s body ” P J 

1 o show the progress of the slave power, I will mention that the 
Committee on Military affairs could not agree. Five slave-holders 
repiesenting slave property, reported a bill for the payment of the 
v 1,000 claimed, hour Northern members of the Committee renre 

rKforitf^Thf fmd ° m ’ rep ° rted ^ain S t e tUe P bUl 

never the Seoate pa * Sed the IW > but ™ 

Up to 1848, the treasure of the nation was never deliberately 
voted to pay for slaves. The uniform practice of the country has 

UlT' SineVt^Vr e? r p;ly r erit for slaves with the public freas- 
y. 8 nee that time the policy of the nation has been gradually 


16 


freeman’s manual. 


chano'in" under the Calhoun dogma, that slaves are jnst as legiti¬ 
mately property under the Constitution of the United States as are 

horses. _ , . *. . 

This principle has been fully endorsed under Pierce s Adminis¬ 
tration. 


CHAPTER IV. 

The power of the General Government to prohibit slavery in the 
U. S. Territory , never to any extent denied till 1848, and not 
repudiated by the Democratic Party till 1854. 

JEFFERSON’S PROVISO OF ’84 

The first acquisition of territory by the United States was made 
some three years before the adoption of the Constitution. This 
territory was acquired from the cessions of Virginia, New York 
and Connecticut. It was the teritory north and west of the Ohio 
river. Congress immediately proceeded to consider the question of 
its government. 

Slavery was already there under the French colonial law, and 
also under the laws of Virginia, if the claim she set up was valid. 
Congress, proceeding to consider the subject of its government, 
appointed Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Howell and Mr. Chase, a committee 
to frame an ordinance for this object. The ordinance reported was 
the work of Mr. Jefferson, and is now to be seen in his own hand¬ 
writing at Washington, and was so worded as to cover not only the 
territory north-west of the Ohio, which was already obtained, but 
all territory that should hereafter be acquired by cessions from other 
states. Prominent among the provisions of this ordinance was 
the following, to which I wish to call the particular attention of 
the reader : 

« After the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither ; 
slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the said States (which j 
should be framed out of said teritories) otherwise than in the punish¬ 
ment of crimes, of which parties shall have been duly convicted.” 
This proviso, let it be remembered, applied to all the territory 
which we then possessed, or ever expected to possess \ for it was then 
thought unconstitutional to acquire foreign territory. 

Mr. Speight, of N. Carolina, moved that it (the proviso) be 
stricken from the ordinance, and the vote stood for the proviso, six 
States—New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
New York and Pennsylvania, against three States—Virginia, Mary¬ 
land and North Carolina. Delaware and Georgia were not then 




freeman's manual. 


17 

represented in Congress, and the vote of North Carolina beiim 
wa ( s D0t <>°™ted; nor was the vote of New Jersey ciunted° 
one delegate only being present. But you will observe that the 
States stood six to three. Of the twenty-three delegates present 
sixteen were for the proviso and seven against it 1 The vote of the 

one fn T W ° t0 one > and tbat ° f the deIe S ates more than two to 
one fo. the proviso. But under the provisions of the articles of 
confederation, which then controlled the legislation of Congress the 
vo es of a majority of all the States wore necessary to retain the 

itv°the 111 th ° •? r j'T“? e 'i J { ad the P rinci P le of a democratic major- 
tj then prevailed, had the almost universal sentiments of the peo- 

pie of that time been respected, the question of slavery in this 
country, would then have been settled forever. J 

• i / V - the restri( J lve principle of Jefferson’s Proviso of '84 was 
ingrafted into the ordinance, for the government of the territory 
north-west of the Ohio river. * 


ART. 6 OK THE “ ORDINANCE FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORY OF THE 
UNITED STATES, NORTH-WEST OF TIIE RIVER OHIO.” 


“ Siia11 neit .ker slavery 11 oi' involuntary servitude in the said terri- 

toiy, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall 

t h l?nlm e V Uly C i° nyi f? d; P rovid . ed ’ always, that any person escaping into 
the same, horn w hom labor or service is lawfully due in any one of the original 
estates, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person 
claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.”— Con. of the U. S., and other 
Documents by W. Hickey. 1th Edition page 429. 


this constituted all the teritorg belonging at that time to the 
United States. 

It is sometimes said that this ordinance was passed by the old 
Congiess prior to the adoption of the U. S. Constitution, and 
therefore does not possess much political significance. But it was 
ratified and “full effect ’ was given to it by the first Congress under 
the Constitution. And here I will name the men who were mem¬ 
bers of the Federal Convention which formed the Constitution, and 
also members of the first Congress under it. 

John Langdon and Nicholas Gilman, of N. H.; Elbrido-e Gerry, 
Rufus King and Caleb Strong, of Massachusetts; Wm. J. Johnson 
Roger Sherman and Oliver Elsworth, of Conn.; Wm. Patterson, of 
New Jersey; George Read and Richard Basset, of Delaware; Dan¬ 
iel Carroll, of Maryland; James Madison, of Virginia; Hugh 
Williamson, of North Caroliua; Pierce Butler, of South Carolina; 
Wm. Pew and Abram Baldwin, of Georgia. George Washington 
was the presiding officer of the Constitutional Convention and was the 
first president of the United States, and signed an enactment adapt¬ 
ing the Ordinance of ; 87 to the new state of things under the U. S. 
Constitution. The whole act was passed without a division. The 
preamble is as follows, and it will be seen endorses and gives “ full 
effect" to the Ordinance of '87—It was passed 7th August, 1789. 


18 


freeman’s manual. 


« Whereas, in order that the ordinance of the United States in Congress 
assembled, for the government of the Territory north-west of the river Ohio, 
may continue to have full effect, it is requisite that certain provisions should 
be made so as to adapt the same to the present Constitution of the United 
States,” <fcc. 

Thus by this proviso, and its ratification by the first Congress under 
our Constitution, was every rood of U. S. Territory at that time 
possessed, consecrated perpetually to liberty, and the policy of ex¬ 
cluding slavery from all national territory proclaimed and vindicated 
in the spirit of the Constitution, and in obedience to its principles. 
Indeed slavery being already in this territory, under the French 
colonial law, and according to the claim set up by Virginia, under 
Virginia law, the first application of this original policy of our 
government actually converted slave into free territory. 

Before this time seven of the original States had taken measures 
for the abolition of slavery, and were regarded prospectively as free 
States, leaving six only as slave States. This ordinance provided 
for five additional free States, and in this manner secured the im¬ 
mense preponderance of the Free States in the government. The 
indefinite continuance of slavery in any of the States was evidently 
not then thought of. 

This anti-slavery policy of the government was not even technic¬ 
ally departed from till 1790, and was not deliberately infrinedupon 
till 1820. In 1790, Congress accepted from North Carolina the 
cession of the territory which now constitutes Tennessee. North 
Carolina being aware that without stipulation to the contrary, slavery 
would be prohibited in said territory, according to the genius of the 
Constitution and the established policy of the government; intro¬ 
duced into the deed of cession an express provision that slavery 
should not be prohibited by the application of the ordinance of ; 87. 
Congress should have undoubtedly refused to accept this territory 
upon such conditions. But slavery had grown up there under the 
authority of an original State, and it was doubtless considered im¬ 
politic to overrule the wishes of the State and of the people in the 
ceded territory, for its continuance. 

The acceptance by Congress of this cession from North Carolina, 
of the cession from Georgia of that portion of her Territory lying 
west of her limits and east of the Mississippi, without restriction; 
together with the introduction by Congress of the slave laws of 
Maryland iuto the district of Columbia, were acts repugnant to the 
Constitution, and in manifest departure from the original policy of 
the government. The spirit of gain had already begun to get the 
mastery over the spirit of liberty. Said Luther Martin, “ When 
our own rights were at stake, we warmly felt for the common 
rights of man. The danger being thought to be past, which 
threatened ourselves , we are daily growing more insensible to these 
RIGHTS.” 

In 1803, Louisiana was acquired from France. In this case, as 




freeman’s manual 


19 


the case of the territory acquired from North Carolina and 
G-emgm, Congress refrained from applying the anti-slavery proviso. 

dld not interfere with the slave territory then, but prohib- 
ited absohitely the introduction of slavery from beyond the 1 limits 
?***? Un ^ d States except by actual owners removing to Louis- 
thp TT 01 ' Set . tlei , n Q e 1 u ^ Likewise, when Louisiana was admitted into 
the Union in 1812, no restriction was put upon her slavery 

The courts have always ruled that the Ordinance of ’87 was 
constitutional and binding during the life, at least, of the territory 
TYTif ' e ^tL sectl °n of the Missouri Act, commonly known as the 
_ •° U * 1 Compromise, by prohibiting forever slavery or involuntary 
ervitude, except for crime, above thirty-six degrees and thirty min¬ 
utes north latitude, was a solemn proclamation to the world that 
Congress had the constitutional power to prohibit slavery, not only, 
but to abolish it m United States territory. President Monroe 

th J? M h asked for the opinions of his Cabinet, of 
which Calhoun Crawford and J. Q. Adams were members: each of 
whom submitted in writing an opinion favorable to its constitution- 
ahty. Thus, more than thirty years after the adoption of the Fed¬ 
eral Constitution, the -eagle-eyed Calhoun, the mightiest of the 
c outhern extremists, declared his belief in the constitutional power 
°i Loo^ess to exclude slavery from United States territory, ‘‘ pur¬ 
chased by the common treasury or common blood of the slave as 
well as the free States.” The doctrine of non-intervention, as put 
by , Gen * Cass > m Lis famous Nicholson letter, in’48, was rejec¬ 
ted by the great mass of Democrats at that time. Isaac Hill of 
the New Hampshire Patriot, the Atlas of Democracy in New Eng¬ 
land, on the 29th July, ’48, speaking of the Squatter Sovereignty 
doctrine, as involved in that letter, says: 

“ T 7 he Democracy of the North never did endorse the doctrineS 
and they never will. The\Pm6 C racy of this State are UNAN-s 
IMOUS in the opinion, so far ay*Htf know, that Congress HAS and 
should EXERCISE the powcrfcind\cclude slavery from California 
and New Mexico .” 

The same high Democratic authority declared in his Patriot, in 
1848: “ The Southern people have no right, natural, moral or polit¬ 
ical, to enforce slavery upon the new territories. They have no 
more right to go. there and hold slaves than they have to do so 
in New Hampshire. The slave-holders have no more right to plant 
slavery upon free territory than we have to abolish slavery in South 
Carolina.” 

J n tJl e New Hampshire Democratic Convention passed the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, That we declarant is our solemn conviction, as the Democratic 
party have heretofore done, t th'at neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shouid hereafter exist in any.ref ritory which may be acquired by, or annexed 
to the United States, and that we approve of the votes of our delegation in 
Congress in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. 


2o freeman’s manual. 

ACTION OF THE NEW HAMPSHIRE LEGISLATURE IN. 1848. 

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court 
convened, that we are in favor of the passage of a law by Congress, forever 
prohibiting slavery in New Mexico and California, and in all other territories 
now acquired or hereafter to be acquired in which slavery does not exist at 
the time of such acquisition. 

Resolved. By Ac, “That opposed to every form of oppression, the people 
of New Hampshire have ever viewed with deep regret the existence of sla¬ 
very in this Union. That while Jthey have steadfastly supported all sections 
in their constitutional rights, they have not only lamented its existence as a 
great social evil, but have regarded it as fraught with danger to the peace and 
welfare of the nation.” 

Resolved, By Ac., “ That while we respect the rights of the slave-holding as 
well as the free portions of this Union—while we will not willingly consent 
that wrong be done to any member of this glorious confederacy to which we 
' belong, we are firmly and unalterabov opposed to the extension of Slavery 
over any portion of American soil now free.” 

Resolved, By Ac., “That in our opinion Congress [has] the Constitutional 
power to [abolish] the slave trade and slavery in the District of Columbia ; 
and that our Senators be instructed and our Representatives be requested to 
take all constitutional measures to accomplish these objects.” 

Sam’l. H. Aver, Speaker of H. Rep. Wm. S. Weeks, Prest. Sen. 

SAMUEL DINSMORE, Governor. 

In Concord, 5tli June, as reported in the New Hampshire Patriot , 
12th June, ’45, Hen. Pierce (now President of U. S.) said that he 
had himself approached this subject [of annexation of Texas] with 
all his prejudices and prepossessions against it, and on one ground 
alone —its sla very feature. * * That the only difficulty in his 
mind ever had been, that of a recognition by any new act of the 
government of the institution of domestic slavery.” 

In 1851, in the New Hampshire Constitutional Convention, Hen. 
Pierce declared, as reported in the New Hampshire Patriot , “ I 
would take the ground of the non-extension of slavery—that slavery 
should not become stronger. What single thing is there connected 
with it that is not obnoxious ?” 

We take the following from the Chicago Democratic Press of 
May 7, 1856: 

“ Now the Democratic party of Illinois have always held that 
Congress had the right to legislate upon slavery in the territories. 
While a member of that party, Jpdge Douglas wrote a letter, which 
was widely published, protesting, qmong other things, against an 
attempt to degrade Col. Benton fromffiis position on the Senate Com¬ 
mittees. We quote a paragraph or tvft) from that letter: 

‘I desired to know whether Col. Benton was to be excluded merely 
because he believed that Congress possessed the power to legislate upon the 
subject of slavery in territories when opposed to the exercise of the power. 
If so, the same ride would exclude me. * * 

I f Col, Benton was to be excluded on this account, the rule must be extend¬ 
ed to all others, and hence a Democratic caucus would find itself in the sad 
predicament of prescribing a test of faith according to which no one of us 
would be competent to serve on committees^s Democrats.’ ” 



freeman’s manual. 


21 


OF THE MISSOURI RESTRICTION. 

Thomas H. Benton, whose democracy was not called in question 
until 18d4, and then only by Douglas, Atchison & Co., said : 

has ever been made or could be conceived It. not oniVnrolnbil^ V / C . h 
it could be legally carried, but forever piohibited it where it had long existed!’* 

Douglas and Shields both voted for the Wilmot proviso less than 
ten years ago, and Douglas has declared that Illinois could never 
have been admitted into the Union if she had not embodied in 
constitution the ordinance of ’87. He also moved the extension of 
the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific. 

In his speech ot 1850, Feb. 5th and 6th, Henry Clay said : 

“ 1 , never ca f ? nd lle ™r will vote, and no earthly power will ever make me 

1 % WhCTe “ does ».V 

. Said Daniel Webster, in 1818, of the advocates of slavery exten- 
sion i J 

“ 1 arn afraid tliafc the generation of doughfaces will be as perpetual -is thn 
, * * I think such persons are doughfac^T and donah- 
heads, and dough-souls, and they are all dough.” ° 

AVASHINGTON ON INTERVENTION. 

Gen Washington, in a letter to Gen. La Fayette, in 1798 made 
use of the following language :• 

O O O 



«rp U „ n ° ™ K U1 ui sucu a Durden. 

The Cougiess of 1 <87 adopted an ordinance which prohibits the existence 
of involuntary servitude in our north-western territory fhrever. IcomidlrTa 
wise measure. It met with the approval and assent of nearly every member 
from the iStates more immediately interested in slave labor/ The prevailing 

Krust w^«*hiln nia 18 agHI i‘‘ S , t thG dave n> ^to our new territories aud 

l tiust we shall have a confederacy ot free States.” 

In June, 1836, the present Attorney General, Caleb Cushing in a 
speech against the admission of Arkansas with a Constitution making 
slavery perpetual, said : ° 

“I do not pursuade myself that liberty is an evil, or slavery a blessino- ‘ 
bhali wc be brutishly dumb when it is sought through us to render slavery ! 
perpetual m new States. I should be false to all the opinions and principles , 
ot my Me, it I did not promptly return a peremptory and emphatic no ! - 
wlieu called upon to accord my sanction to a form of Government which per-" 
peluates Slavery.” 1 

Let me here add that Mr. Dougins had not abandoned the policy 
and power of slavery restriction by Congress, up to 7th June, 1854, 
when his bill for organizing Nebraska was published; for in that bill 
he declares: 





22 


freeman’s manual. 


“Your committee do not feel themselves called upon to enter into those 
controverted questions. (The power of Congress to prohibit Slavery in the 
United States’Territory, etc.) 

‘ They involve the same grave issues which produced the agitation, the 
sectional strife, and the fearful struggle of 1850. 

“ As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain from deciding the 
matters in controversy then, either by affirming or repealing the Mexican laws, 
or by an act declaring the true intent of the Constitution, and the extent of 
the protection afforded by it to slave property in the territories, so your com¬ 
mittee are not prepared now to recommend a departure from the course pur¬ 
sued on that memorable occasion, either by affirming or repealing the eighth sec¬ 
tion of the Missouri act, or by any act declaratory of the meaning of the 
Constitution in respect to the legal points in dispute.” 

The power of Congress to say “ no slavery outside of slave States,” 
which constitutes the present test question in the Republican ranks, 
was never abandoned by the so-called Democratic party till 1854. 
To hold to the faith of the nation, and to that of the so-called Dem¬ 
ocratic party up to 1854, incurrs the epithet of “ Black Republi¬ 
can.” Does any one, who knows how slowly physiological changes 
take place, believe the Pierce and Douglas Democracy have become 
white in a little over two years, and that, too, by abandoning the 
faith of the Jeffersonian, Jackson, and Van Buren Democracy, and 
by becoming the body-guard of the Black Power ? 


CHAPTER V. 


Does the Free or Slave policy f urther the ends of good government 
—promote the intelligence, dignity and prosperity of the free 
laborer ? 

President Pierce, in a recent message, stigmatized all Republicans 
as “ enemies of the Constitution, who have surrendered themselves 
so far to a fanatical devotion to the supposed interests of the rela¬ 
tively few Africans in the United States, as totally to abandon 
and disregard the interests of the twenty-five millions of 
Americans, &c.” The minions of the government denounce us 
as Black Republicans as tho’ our principles and measures were con¬ 
fined to the colored people exclusively. Let me now call the partic¬ 
ular attention of the reader to a few facts which will make their 
own comments. 

If slavery in the slave States bears unpropitiously upon every 
great end of good government,—upon population,—the value of 
the soil,—internal improvements—general intelligence—industrious 
and economical habits—inventions—the dignity of free, labor and 



freeman’s manual. 23 

ions ” of people ° f th ° “ tw enty-five mill- 

career in the older State* are close" 8 ’'tT'*? • wh ? h has “"tedits 
not forsake it in Kansas - **? heel ln ! he new ’ a “d will 

nant with retribution. L J ls unjust, and is therefore preg- 

In 1790, the entire population of Virginia, was. 748 SOS V 

In 1850 the total population of" V^gU.iX^T?!-V.V.'AV.V.V-V^ei? S 

Kentucky contains " New York ’ Was .3,099,394 1 

Ohio « .. square miles 

.-.39,964 “ 

In lSftO Kentucky haa 220.959; Ohio 45,365 S 
III 1850 do had 982,405 ; Ohio 1,980,427 

over25oo!oOO KCntUCky hUS " 0t 800 ’ 000 free — - while Ohio has 

In 1810 Louisville had... , _ ' v ' 

“ “ (Cincinnati bad . i'". 12 persons. 1 

MMO^heine had less than';";;.“ 

« - Cincinnati had over. V^V/.V.mZ “ 

ihe following we take from “ The North and q„„*i, • 

&c^ W 30 OT S1 T andzL ° ffiCe 1854 ’ * m ° St powerfu ‘ P*“pUet r - 

no. S'lteiZ'Ss.uS.s 

ssssas s°M”s *#* tt r~l 

New Fork has thirty-three and Virinia thirteen st"t 1 ? 

South Carolina had five representative, whn! ni . Sl fy/ears since, 
white inhabitant. Now the former hls vn ! ° ° had sc3r «% a 
while the latter has twenty-one^ 1^7^^ 

grown from eight to eleven f Pennsylvania from efeSTtKlto 
and even little New Jersey, which then h‘irl nnlv f . ¥ > 

a,, suu, . f «i g ,i tetafts 

1 inckneys, Rutledges, Cheveses and Gradsdens. At tW timo +v,- 
city, Norfolk and Charleston might fairly have disputed the chances 
commercial greatness that hung upon the future; but where stand 
they now ? At the last census, Charleston had 42,806 inhabitants 

or 3 4?io" CreaS Tt In ‘r rv P recise] y k,669. Norfolk had 14,320 
i , ,4 J J '“ olc tkan she had in 1840, while New York and Brooklyn 
had risen to more than 600,000. oiooiriyn 

Fedllfr to ' d ’ h0WeV f’ th f th ' S i8 3,1 due to the a °tion of the 
ederal Government ; that ‘ the immense commercial resources of the 












24 


freeman’s manual. 


South are amongst the most startling and certain resources in all 
emergenciesthat ‘if there was no tariff of any kind, and absolute 
free trade, the southern seaports would in a quarter of a century 
surpass the northern ones not only in imports and exports, but also 
in population and the arts,’—and that the way to bring about this 
reio-n of free-trade and prosperity is to tax all merchandise imported . 
from northern ports, or in northern ships, while admitting free all 
those imported from Europe, or in southern vessels. Incredible as 
it may seem to our readers, such is the mode we find advocated in 
the Richmond Enquirer as the one required for the establishment of 
perfect free trade. 

If, however, the prosperity of New York, Massachusetts, or Penn¬ 
sylvania, which are manufacturing States, has really been due to the 
tariff, and if protection is injurious to agricultural communities, how, 
we would ask, can we account for the growth of Indiana and Illinois, 
which are not manufacturing States ? Agreeably to the slavery 
theory, they should suffer equally with South Carolina and Virginia; 
and yet we find them growing to almost a million each of population, 
while Arkansas, almost as old, has less than 200,000. Their rail¬ 
roads count by thousands of miles, while Arkansas has yet, we 
believe, the first mile of road to make. Southern men can 
scarcely charge the new State of Wisconsin with protection, and yet 
she bids fair to have a thousand miles of railroad before Texas shall 
have completed the first hundred miles of her first road. Telegraphs 
abound through the West and North-Western States, and Ohio pre¬ 
sents a perfect network of them; while Virginia, the Garolinas, and 
Georgia present to view little more than a single line, and that main¬ 
tained almost exclusively by the trassmission of intelligence across 
them from northern citties to New Orleans. Look where we may, 
we fiud the same result; throughout the North there is the activity 
of freedoom and life, while throughout the South there is the palsy 
of slavery and death. 

The prosperity of the Northwest is, however, as we are told, also 
due to the partiality of the Federal Government, the almost exclusive 
management of which has been so generally in Southern hands, j 
What Massachusetts and this State gain from the tariff is made up 
to the newer States by donations out of the common treasury of; 
lands. On this head we quote from the Richmond Whig :— 

“Illinois is indebted for these two thousand miles of railroad to the bounty 
of the Federal Government, si bounty indulged at the expense of the South¬ 
ern Slates, whose feebleness and decay are sneered at. Every foot of these : 
roads has been made by apptvpi iatumsof public lauds. Nut a centhas cornel 
out, of the pockets of the people. And railroads are'not the only favors be¬ 
stowed up<»n the hireling Stales. Immense contributions have been made to 
them all, for schools and colleges; We dare say. if the same liberal measure 
had b< <m dealt, out to the slavcholding. States; if their territory bad .been per-! 
moated by canals and railroads, ami schools established in every neighbor*) 
Loud, at the expense of the Northern States, we, too, might boast of our pros- 



freeman’s manual. 


25 


perity. It would not be going too far to say, that Illinois herself, if, in addi¬ 
tion to the millions she has received from the federal treasury, had had the 
benefit of slave labor, might have been still more prosperous.” 

In reply to this, a contemporary furnislies the following abstract 
of a report from the department of the Interior, made a few weeks 
since, showing the donations of lands to six Western free States and 
six slave States to which we beg the attention of our readers :— 



O., la., Ill., 

Mo., Ala., Mi., 


Mich., Iowa, 

La., Ark., 


Wisconsin. 

Florida. 


Acres. 

Acres. 

School Lands. 

.5,273,749 _ 

.. .5,520,504 

Universities. 


.... 207,366 

Seats of Government. 

.28,560_ 

. 22,300 

Salines. 


_161,230 

Internal Improvement. 

.1,569,449_ 

.. .2,600,000 

Roads. 



Canals and Rivers. 

..4,996,873.... 

.... 400,000 

Railroads.. 


.. .5,788,098 

Swamp Land?,. 

....11,265,333. 

. .24,533,020 

Individuals abd Companies .... 

..60,981.. 

.17,839 

Military Services. 

_20,167,763.... 

...5,716,974 


46,723,391 

45,167,325 


The appropriations here appear to be equal, but when we come to 
deduct the lands selected by individuals who had their choice to go 
into Southern or Northern States, we find the Southern grants for 
public purposes to be forty millions against twenty-five millions of 
Northern ones. Men do not to any extent go voluntarily into the 
slave States, but vast numbers leave those States to settle in the 
free ones, as is shown by the fact that the late census exhibits more 
than six hundred thousand people from the former settled in the 
latter, while the latter exhibit but 208,000 persons from the for¬ 
mer j and if we deduct from them the number settled in the three 
States nearest the free ones, Delaware, Maryland and Missouri, 
which must belong to a Northern Union whenever formed, we shall 
find but 123,000 remaining, or about one to five. 

* * * The aristocracy does not work. The democracy does, 

and hence it is that the six free and six slave States, having received 
from the treasury, for all purposes, an equal quantity of land, pre¬ 
sented to view, at the date of the last census, the following compari¬ 
son between the railroads completed and in progress : 


“ The hireling States ” 
of Ohio, Indiana, Illi¬ 
nois, Iowa, Michigan, 
Wisconsin. 

Completed. In progrees. 

2,913* 4,955 


The aristocratic States 
of Missouri, Alabama, 
Mississippi Louisiana, 
Arkansas, Florida. 
Completed. In progress. 

417 2,318 


^Illinois has now near 3000 miles of Railroad in operation, 
f Thi3 pamphlet was published over two years ago. 


3 























26 


freeman’s manual. 


A similar comparison, now made out, would present results still 
more striking; but even this should be sufficient to satisfy our 
readers, first, of the insignificance of the trade offered by the South 
to the North as the price of union, and second, that the enormous 
difference existing is not due to any action of the Federal Govern¬ 
ment, in the management of which the North has so uniformly been 
denied the slightest control.” 

THE BEARING OF SLAVERY ON THE VALUE OF LAND. 
r The average value of farming lands in the slave States is about 
$8 per acre. In the free States, about $20 per acre. This leaves 
a difference in favor of the farming lands in the free States of $12 
per acre. By multiplying this difference by the whole number of 
acres of farming land in the South, you obtain a product of over 
wo thousands of millions of dollars, which the slave policy takes 
out of the value of the Southern lands. The slaves have never 
been estimated at over $1,500,000 — so that the loss to the South 
in the mere matter of depreciation of land, is jecjual to the value of 
the slaves, and $500,000,000 besides. 

BOSTON VERSUS SOUTH CAROLINA. 

In 1845 there were 19,039 private families in Boston, and 15,744 
of these private families kept no servants, and only 1,069 families 
kept more than one. Yet, in 1854, the real estate property of 
Boston was $97,764,500—$45,271,120 more than the real estate of 
South. Carolina, including Charleston and 24,500 square miles of 
land. South Carolina owns 384,984, which, at $400 a head, would 
bring $153,993,600. The actual property of Boston, in 1854, was 
sufficient to buy all these slaves at $400 dollars a piece, and also, at 
the market value, all the houses and lands of that proud and boastful 
State. 

MANUFACTURES. 

The manufactures of the South, in 1839, earned $42,178,184; 
those of the north $197,658,040. 

The entire earnings of North and South Carolina, Georgia, Ala¬ 
bama, Mississippi and Louisiana were $189,321,719, while those 
of New York alone were $193,806,533. 

The South had invested in manufactories $95,918,842, with an 
annual return of 167,606,380; while the North had invested in 
manufactories $431,290,351, with an annual return of $845,430,- ; 
428. In 1853 the Southern shipping was worth $17,331,880, while 
the Northern shipping was worth $153,244,880. In 1852, the I 
South had 2,144 miles of railroad; while the North had 9,661 miles 
of railroad. 

PROPERTY OF FREE AND SLAVE STATES. 

In 1850, the whole property, real and personal, of the slave States 
amounted to $2,755,411,554; while that of the free States waJ 



FREExMAN’s manual. 


27 

$3,186, 680 ,924. But the working men are included in this esti- 
mate of the Slave States. These 3,200,412 slaves, at $400 per 
head, would bring the sum of $1,280,104,800, which, taken from 
the above gross sum, leaves $1,475,240,754, only a little more than 
one-third of the whole amount of the value of the free States. 

INVENTIONS. 

From 1790 to 1849 there were granted for inventions made in 
the free Stales, 16,514 patents, and only 2,202 in the slave States, 
.District of Columbia and foreigners omitted. In 1850, 64 persons 
in the South and 656 to those in the North. 

Many of these Southern patents were granted to men from the 
free States. 

It is believed that the machinery driven by water and steam in 
.New York, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts earn more than the 
three millions of slaves. 

SCHOOLS AND ILLITERATE PERSONS. 

In the Slave States, in 1839, there were at schools and colleges, 
301,170 pupils. In the free States, at the same time, there were 
2,212,444. New \ork sent to school at that time, more than twice 
as many persons as all the slave States. 

In 1839, there were in Connecticut, 163,853 free persons, and of 
these who could not read and write, there were 526. In South 
Carolina, at the same time, there were 111,663 free persons over 20, 
and of these, there were 20,615 who could not read and write. 

In Connecticut, these illiterate persons were mostly foreigners. 
In South Carolina they were mostly native born citizens. Tins will 
hold good of most of the illiterate persons North and South. A 
sixth part of the voters in South Carolina are unable to read their 
own ballots. 

It will be seen by the census of 1850, that in 1849, the South 
paid for public schools $2,717,771; the North $6,834,388. The 
South had 976,966 scholars at school; the North had 3,106,961 
scholars at school. 

In 1850, the South had 2,867,569 native white inhabitants over 
20 years of age, and of these 532,605 were unable to read—more 
than 18 per cent, of the whole—while in the North there were 
6,649,001 native white inhabitants over 20 years of age, and only 
278,575 unable to read—about 4 per cent. There were in 1850, 
5,800 newspapers and periodicals in the United States, and of these, 
716, including those in Washington City, were printed in the slave 
States; 2,084 in the free States. 

A MAJORITY OF DIRECTORS SHOULD KNOW HOW TO READ 
AND WRITE. 

The State Superintendent of Public Schools in Louisiana, having 
not long since visited all parts of the State, made an elaborate 



28 


freeman’s manual. 


report to the legislature, in which is found the following statement: 
“A local, parochial and State supervision of the schools is what is 
needed. There should be in every parish a Board of Examiners, 
consisting of three or more, whose duty it should be to examine 
applicants for the situation of teacher. In some districts the direct¬ 
ors are totally incapable of performing this duty, for the very potent 
reason that they themselves do not know how to read or write. In 
looking over the warrants of teachers on file in this office, there were 
found in one parish the ordinary mark of twelve different directors! 
In two or three of the districts there were two out of three who 
signed their mark. This is truly a deplorable fact, and one of which 
unprincipled teachers have not failed to turn to their own advantage. 
Two out of every three of the directors should be required to know 
how to read and write.” 

We are called upon now to submit to the Border Buffians, that 
they may introduce a system producing results like these into terri¬ 
tory which has been pledged to freedom for more than thirty years. 

It was but a few years since that the Governor of Virginia said, 
in his message, that of 4000 marriages of white Virginians solem¬ 
nized in one district within ten years, about one-fourth, or 1000, 
were unable to sign their names to the marriage contracts, but were 
obliged to make their marie. 

MILITARY POWER. 

During our revolutionary struggle, the population of the Slave 
States was 1,307,549; they had 657,527 slaves. 

New England had at that time 673,215 free persons and 3,886 
slaves. 

During this period of nine years, the Slave States furnished the 
continental army with 58,421 regular soldiers, while New England 
alone furnished 118,380 regulars. 

After the battle of Bunker Hill, when there was a call upon the 
States for soldiers by Congress, South Carolina, on bended knee, 
begged that hers might stay at home to take care of the Negroes, 
(“ the contented and happy Negroes .”) 

March 29, 1779, a committee of Congress reported that “the 
State of South Carolina is unable to make any effectual effort with 
militia, by reason of the great proportion of the citizens necessary 
to remain at home to prevent insurrection among the Negroes and 
prevent the desertion of them to the enemy.” 

From 1775 to 1783, South Carolina had 166,018 free inhabitants, 
while Connecticut had only 158,760. During the nine years’ war 
with the mother country, South Carolina raised 5,508 soldiers— 
Connecticut 39,831. 

While the six Slave States could raise only 58,421 soldiers and 
12,779 militia men, Massachusetts alone contributed 67,937 to the 


freeman’s manual 


29 


continental army and 15,155 militia men—being 12,000 more than 
all the Slave States. 

One word of remark suggested by these statistics. We meddle 
not politically with slavery in the States; but shall we extend over 
territory under our (the people’s) control, an institution producing 
such political results. Leaving out of mind its enormous sin, shall 
we impoverish and disgrace the nation, by extending slavery, simply 
to pacify the demands of 300,000 petty despots?— Statistical Spe¬ 
cimens of Free and Slave States , by I. C. 


CHAPTER VI. 

Southern ideas of Slavery and Liberty , Labor and Laborers. 


WHAT THEY THINK OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPEND¬ 
ENCE. 


“I endorse, ■without reserve, the much abused sentiment of Governor 
McDuffie, that slavery is the corner-stone of our republican edifice ; while I 
repudiate as ridiculously absurd that much-lauded but nowhere accredited 
dogma of Mr. Jefferson, that ‘all men are created equal.’ ”—Gov. Hammond , 
of S. G. 


RICH MEN AND SLAVEHOLDERS OUR SOLE DEPENDENCE. 

. “ Though intelligence and wealth have great influence, here as every where, 
m keeping in check reckless and unenlightened numbers, yet it is evident to 
close observers that these are rapidly usurping all power in the non-slave¬ 
holding States, and threaten a fearful crisis in republican institutions there, 
at no remote period. In the slave-holding States, however, nearly one-half of 
the whole population, and those the poorest and most ignorant, have no politi¬ 
cal influence whatever, because they are slaves of the other half, a large propor¬ 
tion of whom are both educated and independent in their circumstances, 
while those who, unfortunately, are not so, being still elevated far above the 
mass, are higher toned and more deeply interested in preserving a stable and 
well ordered government than the same class in any other country. Hence, 
slavery is truly ‘ the corner-stone ’ and foundation of every well designed 
and durable republican edifice.”— Id. 

SLAVERY THE LAW OF NATURE. 

“ Man is born to subjection. Not only during infancy is he dependent and 
under the control of others, but at all ages ; it is the very law of his nature that 
the strong and the wise should control the weak and the ignorant.” — Chan¬ 
cellor Harper , of S. C. 

LAW MAKES MEN PROPERTY. 

“ ‘Man cannot have property in man,’—a phrase as full of meaning as ‘ who 
slays fat oxen should himself be iat.’ Certainly he may , if the laws of society 
allow it, and, if it be on sufficient grounds, neither he nor society do wrong.” 

3 * 



32 


freeman’s manual. 


one form of to universal condition, (slavery ^j^Vrcut 
stanecs is more defence or stanis on stronger grounds 

of necessity.” 

OUR OWN RACE SAVED THE DEGRADATION OF MANUAL 
u LABOR. 

^liite blood is inteimixed) t "N’orthern States. Some class 

into slavery , as is done in ^ r ^. A f ^ tunate th ^ t there is a class, of an inferior 

- - • 

«EVERY northern man offers himself FOR SALE.” 

“ They threaten us with a great Northern party and a ge^ral 

^ +Ln Qrmfh Tf they were not mere hucksters m politics 

the lowest bidder. To he sure, if they could make the best barg 
bv destroyin', the South, they would set about it without delay. Bu 
they cannot They livi upon us, and the South affords them the 
double glorification of an object for hatred and a field fin■ P'““ d “; 
How far they may be moved to carry their indignation this time it 
is impossible"to say; but we may be sure they will cool off just a 
the point that they discover they can make nothing more out of it, 
and may loose.” 

COULD ANY THING BE COOLER? 


“Virginia in this confederacy ig theelevated pedestal, 
educated, well-bred as coldly and calmly 

upon her parvenu , ignoiant, mendacio in the nominating conven- 

as a marble statue. f 0cc X^condesc!X when her interests demand it, 
tions of the Democratic pai tv, versa ries at the very moment she crushes 

to recognize the existence of he. Wed of them than a 

them, hut _she does It Withou g, finds necessary, occasionally, to 


he finds necessary, occasionally, to 

destroy.’ Richmond Examiner, 


freeman’s manual. 


33 


CHAPTER YU. 

The issue presented and demand made ly the Slave Oligarchy 
Thus speaks the Charleston Evening News. 

w w »u£ 0Ur “ this countr y « 

extension of the institution the foundations of 1S ’ lj f cxte nsion or non. 

our midst. Whatever the government m^/re in , a ' e br , oad and eolid in 
bination—-whatever the party raovemen™Th»t7v^ eTer ,‘ he Political com- 
Washington, the one, single, dominant vervadinn i 1 , actlori of sections at 

tions, mandating itself into every polfty-drawta.he h ” g *" lcadi “g I***- 
lants. serving as a lever or fulcrumVr everv e , horosco Pes of all aspi- 
—a sort of directing fatality is that mast™ ^ lnte rest» class and individuality 
reason, organism anfl men Jh ! me,tt and eSS *1* “ K des P ite of right an5 

destmv, why not meet it 1 It controls tbe^North P f “ l ,olit ' cal 

precludes e cape. It is at last and , u , ’ 1 Con,1 ' ols the South ; it 

mainder of th? Union, « s sections andaTp!opt * S<rath and the re ‘ 

The following is an extract from a letter to the NT v t m 
from one of the educated and rich gentry of the SouJhT 

instrumennfp!'o|resrto“he < en?irekS7ndto^?%"h° < i ! “ ft '‘ , ”“'.6<> as to be an 
sent. At any rate, we intendTo make^ stov«v nataa,** a ' 90 ’ ‘I “ e North »»“ 
a Southern nation—an independent slave ’ m at the cost of forming 

{Sw'SS?* and can go on Th ®?? nth willCbf 

and South cannot compromise this Question a 5/? e Wltil Mr. Calhoun, that 
" md * lmer * KMde ’•“‘ioml, or else we mil hav^r JLlZu^ 6eaW ’ 

SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY REPUDIATED. 

tIlUS e *P resses itself: 

assert State equality . Wemu>t ^r™h.2?t“fa toe' ( 
see that no invidious or injurious distinctions^aremadebetwin fu nera govern ment to 

carry along with itrthe consequences which^ISre “K T 3 “ fflce t0 

the Kansas-N ebraska bill contains the doctrine of siuatt^ *° ft f n charged that 
Sovereignty is the most efficient agent of iWtoS' 3 ™ gnt & and potter 
crats have maintained this ground . Now this S m™ ? T ° me [aII J Northern Dcmo- 
from our platform that we maintain must appear 

struction of theKansas-Nebraska act which would deffSFii^ U^J e P^ llat f that con- 

to concede it fo he^the^ore^ertafn L^u^candh^ 

POWEB OFCOtfGRESS OVEB U S£BMKMgMAINTAINED By THE 

sal homage. ei '‘ I gquatte/sovere?gnty *is”an^iSnSsturc’ "al sho t uId r ‘! omraan, l univer- 
idol wrought by men's hands—andshouldbStSSi counterfeit copy—an ugly 

m “we m ci e Sv a o“ d C ? art | the “» or foots demagogues?^ Wta " “ si * “ 

Stitt TffiA 

we pleased,,for the common benefit of all the ^The^to^e ff0rer " “* 

their sovereign administrative and governmental riX, ^ only exercise 

the federal government S trnmentai rights thi ov.gh the instrumentality of 





34 


freeman’s manual. 


THE RICHMOND (VA.) ENQUIRER. 

u This absolute dominion over our territories is essential to our 
existence as a nation. It might happen that a new conquered ter¬ 
ritory, or a territory occupied by free Negroes, Indians, Chinese, 
hordes of robbers, or lawless, ignorant, and immoral people of any 
hind could not be trusted with any voice m their own government 
even as a territory, much less would such people he entitled to admls ~ 

sion as a State, simply because they had population sufficient to elect 
a member to Congress. The federal government is bound to gov- 
em all the territories. It may and should exercise i s powers 
through a territorial government elected by the people, to be 
governed when the people are sufficiently moral and intelligent for 
self-government, and are well affected to ns and our institutions 
It should admit no people as a State who are not m all respects 
fitted for self-government, and should look closely to the provisions 
of the Constitution of the people so applying, to see whether the 
great interests of morality, religion, property and liberty are ade¬ 
quately secured. To give practical application to our doctrine : If 
it should hereafter appear that a majority of new-comers in Kansas 
confiscate or render valueless the property of the first settlers, and, 
in effect, banish those settlers from the State, by their Constitution, 
then it is clear with such Constitution she should not be admitted 
into the Union. First, because her people betray a want of justice 
and morality in their very Constitution. And, secondly, because the 
federal government, the common agent of every section of the 
Union, is bound, within the limits of its powers, to do equal justice 
to all. We do not mean to contend, that when the slave-holding 
interest in a territory is small, and its Constitution gives ample time 
and opportunity for the removal of slaves, that she should not be 
admitted as a State. But we do contend that, if the Constitution 
of any territory, asking admission into the Union, contains any 
gross violations of morality, religion, property or liberty, Congress 
should not hesitate to refuse her petition. 


TERRITORIAL LEGISLATION NO POWER TO EXCLUDE SLAVERY 
FROM U. S. TERRITORY. 


“ Federal government is empowered and obliged to see that the citizens of the 
States have equal rights in the territories, and to secure them in the quiet enjoyment 
of their property. For illustration: if any operative local law should exclude slavery 
from Kansas, the federal government is bound to remove the restriction. Jf a tern- 
torial legislature were to attempt to abolish slavery within the limits of any territory, U 
would be the imperative duty of the federal government to interfere and protect the 
securities of property. These are political postulates, self-evident propositions in tne 
theory of our government.”— Richmond (Ua.) Inquirer. 

THE MARK HIT. 


<• The ensuing Presidential canvass, which will probably determine the iate 
of the Union, will turn almost solely on the question of equality. None can 
CONSISTENTLY OR EFFECTIVELY CONTEND FOR STATE EQUALITY, wllO do not hold 


freeman’s manual. 



the ISSUE CONCEDED—-THE SANDACKNOWLEDOED BY THjBT 


biu at the 

ai^rt^jss^ 


gres? with slavery, in the States a t ndto?ftorie? Ie ° f ^-^ervention by Con- 
tion of 1850, commonly called the «Gomnrf S &S reCOgDlzed b J the legisla- 
ed inoperative and void ; it beinAhe 3?nTff me °* UTea -\ is hereby dedar- 

siss? 

Stated 0 ” 8 in their °"’ n *0 SSbo'KS 

Pertinent to this point is the following extract from OoddW’s 
p P age C 12“ SamSt D ° UslaS ’ glveB in Joliet “ the summer of 1854, 

Now it is admitted on all hands that this clause abrogates the Mis 
soun restriction and that there are slaves now held in that territo- 

, /here? ad v”? beeQ f °- t ^, ls bil1 there could be no legal slaves there 
Therefore it has practically and really legislated slavery into this 

J° be slavery there now is unlonstitutiona 

but the judges appointed, or to be appointed there, will be nro- 

ere Butlhlt ?Ut H,° f nme -° n tb / , su P reme bencb “e slave-hold- 
l B " twb ?t *s the meaning of the phrase, “but to leave the 

people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic in¬ 
stitutions in their own way,” &c. ? *“ 

sion tW a th an ? biS , ! riend n “ * he N ° rtb WouId C0DTe y ‘be impres- 
verv bu/sf leglsIat F e bas p° wer to prohibit the existence of sla¬ 
very but slavery being a matter entirely exceptional to ordinary 
legialatron, it may fairly be inferred that the phrase “domestic in¬ 
stitutions does not cover legislation on the matter of slavery And 

thtf North Un , ders ‘ andm g of the matter at the South, and wdl be at 
the North when they consider the following amendment which was 
designed to test the meaning of the party, in the phrase, “to leave 

f ° rm and ^late their domes- 

matter ^ ll r'n ^ Mr ’ Chase > in order to test tbi s 

matter offered the following amendment: “ Under which the people 

o/ the territory, through their appropriate representatives, may, if 

they see Jit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein.” This is the 

veiy doctrine that Mr. Douglas has held here to-day, and that the 

Nebraska democrats are holding all over the North, to reconcile the 



86 


freeman’s manual. 


people to this bill. But how did Mr. Douglas and his friends in the 
South receive it? It perplexed and disconcerted them, and they 
voted it down. Why ? Because the South would not go for it with 
that construction. And by voting it down they voted the Southern 
construction upon the phrase, “to leave, &c. . 

Mr Brown, of Miss., who voted for the bill as it stands, gives 
the Southern view of the bill as follows : “ I have not in my judg¬ 
ment, and I trust I have not in my action here, yielded the princi¬ 
ple that the people of the territory during them territorial existence 
• ’ 7 7 7 X have not intended to yield that 


have the right to exclude slavery. , 

point, and I do not mean that my action in future times shall be so 
construed.” The same gentleman in his fourth of March speech, 
in 1850, says : “ It is assumed that the people~of a territory have 
the same inherent right of self-government as the people in the 
States. The assumption is utterly unfounded,. unconstitutional, 
without example, and contrary to the entire practice of the govern¬ 
ment, from its commencement to the present time, as I shall pro¬ 
ceed to show.” 

Said Mr. Prescott, following on the same side and speaking ot the 
people of a territory. “ Until they form or organize their sovereign 
State government, their rights of sovereignty are dormant and in 
abeyance. Yes, sir, this thing you create and calf a territorial gov¬ 
ernment, is a mere temporary, fugacious, local police institution—a 
limited, dependent, municipal corporation, similar to those existing 
in counties, cities, parishes, towns and boroughs, incorporated by our 
State legislature. The institution of slavery is a political institution; 
it is not a mere municipal regulation.” 

The South Side Democrat, speaking of Mr. Chase’s amendment, 
a very able paper published at Petersburgh, Virginia, says : “ This 

• I • i __• __ VvTi-f 1 f 1 a nlonai hlA 


proposition comes to us in a very plausible garb, but it is plausible 
only, and is at war with the doctrine of non-intervention upon which 


the bill before Congress rests. It is a ridiculous vagary of u squat¬ 
ter sovereignty,” recognized in its most intense essence. Thus Mr. 
Chase’s amendment was voted down and the Southern construction 
of this doubtful passage was acceded to; and then these men come 
North and tell us that they meant just what Mr. Chase’s amend¬ 
ment declared, all the time. Thus these tools of the South ever 
keep “ the promise to the Northern ear, and always break it to the 
hope.” 

2. By the assertion of Mr. Douglas in his recent report on Kansas 
affairs, as Chairman of Committee on Territories, that all power pos¬ 
sessed by the inhabitants of a U. JS. territory, must be derived 
u through the ACT of Congress ” from the Constitution , and the doc¬ 
trine asserted in the same report, and everywhere else by the Democ-i 
racy, so called, that Congress has no power over the subject of 
slavery whatever. 

The following is from his report on Kansas affairs : 


freeman’s manual. 


37 


•i TheJ ( the , temtories ) entitled to enjoy and exercise all nri 
vileges and rights of self-government in subordination to the Con 
station of the United States, and in obedience to the organic law 
passed by Congress in pursuance of that instrument. These riqhts 
and privileges are all derived from the Constitution, through the act 
f Congress, and must he exercised and enjoyed in subjection to all 
the limitations and restrictions which that cLtitutl7imp2s°> 

We add in this place the first resolution of the so-called National 
fp“d°- Party ° f IIlin ° iS ’ ad ° pted at its recent Conventtn at 

„„ ’’Wn® rcader Wi l‘ See that > according to the new faith of the 
so-called Democracy, the following positions are assumed: 

United Stotes S P ° SSeSSeS a11 law ' makin 9 over the territories of the 

nr Lu-M 0 “ g ™ \ aS D0 ri S htful authority to establish, abolish 
or prohibit slavery in the territories.” 

“fr “^. sh n an ? PU vi]e S es ” of the people of a territory 
e derived from the Constitution,” “through the act of Congress 

null and To^ 6 ^ ^ ansas > esta blishing slavery there, are 

5. Hence the support of slavery in Kansas, by the so-called Na¬ 
tional Democracy, must be on the ground of the Calhoun doetrine 
NOW the doctrine of the whole South, viz: that the Constitution in 
its own virtue covers and protects slave property equally with every 
other kind of property. J J 

* This Calhoun doctrine, once repudiated by the whole South, as 
contrary to the views of Jefferson, and the very abhorrence of Jack- 
son, the modern so-called Democracy, at the demand of that very 
South, have received and now swear by. 

^is doctrine become permanent, and Toombs can “call the 
1 rt h ] of hls sla ves “under the shadow of Bunker Hill’s shaft ” and 
others, as they have threatened, “will flog their slaves in the corn¬ 
fields oj Ohio and of Illinois. 


* “That the Constitution of the United States carries slavery with it wherever the Ameri- 
can banner is unfurled. “That whenever any new district of country comes under the Con 
% Calhoun™* ry 18 established within 11 until ifc is abolished by the Star-formed* State/-./. 


4 





38 


freeman’s manual. 


CHAPTER VIII. 

Bearing of Slavery on Non-Slave-holders of the South. 

We copy the following extracts from Mr. Weston's communication 
to the N. Y. Tribune, on 

THE POOR WHITES OF THE SOUTH. 

“Be the sin, the dangers and evils of slavery all our own. We compel, we ask, none to 
share them with us.”—Letters of Gov. Hammond, of S. C., to Thomas Clarkson. 

To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune : __ . 

Sir—The number of slave-holders in the slave States of this Union, as 
ascertained by the census returns of 1850, was 347,525. An average of five 
persons and seven-tenths to a family, as assumed by the superintendent of the 
census, would give 1,980,894 as the number of persons interested as slave¬ 
holders, in their own right, or by family relation. The whole number of 
whites in the slave-holding States being 6,222,418, the slave-holding propor¬ 
tion is a fraction short of thirty-two per cent. 

The superintendent of the census. Professor De Bow, says of the number, 
347,525, returned as slave-holders: 

“The number includes slave hirers, but is exclusive of those who are inter¬ 
ested conjointly with others in slave property. The two will about balance 
each other, for the whole South, and leave the slave owners as stated. 

“Where the party owns slaves in different counties, or in different States, 
he will be entered more than once. This will disturb the calculation very 
little, being only the case among the larger properties.” 

The addition of those who are “slave hirers” merely, to the category of 
slave owners, must, I think, swell their number much more than it is dimin¬ 
ished by the exclusion of “ those who are interested conjointly with others 
in slave property.” Such instances of conjoint interest will occur most fre¬ 
quently in the family relations, already taken into account, when we multi¬ 
plied the number of slave-holders returned by five and seven-tenths A 
comparison of the returns from Maryland, the District of Columbia, and Vir¬ 
ginia, where slave-hiring is much practiced, with Alabama, Mississippi and 
Louisiana, where it is less practiced, shows the following results : 

Maryland, Virginia and the District of Columbia, wijh 566,583 slaves, re¬ 
turns 72,584 slave-owners. Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, with 897- 
531 slaves, return 73,081 slave-owners. The relative excess of slave-owners 
returned in Virginia, Maryland and the District of Columbia, must be attrib¬ 
uted, in part, to the inclusion of a relatively larger number of “ slave-hirers.” 
Upon the whole, it may be safely concluded that at least seven-tenths of the 
whites in the Slave States, are not slave-owners, either in their own right, or 
by family relation. The number of white males in the Slave States, aged 
twenty-one years and upward, in 1850, was 1,490,892. 

Considering that the number of 347,525, returned as slave-owners, is sub¬ 
ject to some deductions, and considering that of the slave-owners many are 
females and minors, it is probable that not exceeding one-fifth of the white 
male adults of the Slave States own slaves. 

DEGRADED BUT GROWING WORSE. 

From a paper on “Domestic Manufactures in the South and West,” pub¬ 
lished by M. Tarver, of Missouri, in 1847, l make the following extracts : 

“ The free population of the South may be divided into two classes—the slave¬ 
holder and the non-slave-holder. I am not aware that the relative numbers of 



freeman’s manual 


39 


S W°t? aSSeS V aye been ascert ained in any of the States: but I am satis 
to one Jhe non-slave-holders far out-number the slave-holders-perhaps b^ three 

generally 1 butv^snin U thern P ° rtl ® n ? f { his re g ion > the non-slave-holders possess, 

itfc y ui p s: n n d so f t ? le 

the ninroi ° thl ? g f 1S a great drawback, and boars heavily upon and depresses 

h t * i “ d r t ? i:*: 

.. . . a te years that an evident deterioration is taking place in this nart of 

the population, the younger portion of it being less educate^less hidustr ousId 
Sf nt ° f ., VieW lGSS rospectable ^an their ancestors * ^ It °s ^ 

lXv 1 §T’ 1 G ln ? rest of the slave-holder that a way to wealth and re'specta 
?° Ul< ^ b<3 opened t0 this part of the population, and that encouragement 
afford- glVGnt0 enterpr ! Se aud ^dustry; and whai would to more SIX to 
thl sW 18 e ?® oura « e “ e nt than the introduction of manufactures ? * * * To 

mar 8 ld - ing ? f SS ? f the P°P ula tion of the South-west, the introduction of 

!“! f ar6S i 1S n °. If 1 s interesting than to the non-slave-holding class. The for¬ 
mer possess almost all the wealth of the country. The preservation of this wealth 
is a subject of the highest consideration to those who possess it.” 

WK HAVE TO FEAR THE UPHEAVING OF OUR MASSES. 

In the January number, of 1850, of De Bow's Review, is an article on «Man- 

flSX fofl“win“^ J ' H ' Tayl ° , ' > ° f Chad ° St0n ' a °” fr ° m Which 

uuoJertahli^JTl^quarters a natural jealousy of the slightest innovation 
3t a„d unelLv^ 18 ; n a ? d bcca V 8e . an effort has been made to collect the 
En th.t *n P ’ P°P ulatlon mto our new factories, fears have 

mrats among us. eTllW ° UldSr0W ° Ut ° f the introductioa of such establish- 

ami^ et »IMfrr Ver,l00 . k f this ™ ate with candor arid calmness, and ex- 
t 1 , lts b ^ arin g8 before we determine that the introduction of a profit¬ 
able industry will endanger our institutions. * * The poor man ha* a 

vote as well as the rich man, and in our State the number of ?he ferae. wiU 

a „fcr ba, r e ^ he • atter " So IoDg as these P°° r bnt industrious people 
hp d lT, 2°u }"??■ 6XC f, pt by a degrading operation of work P with 

the Negro upon the plantation, they were content to endure life in its most 

wor« 0U1 th glD ? f01 ^ S, / a i lsfied they Were ahove tllc slave, though faring often 
he ’ f But i the Progress of the world is ‘onward,’ and thofigh in 
wh?to tl0 i DS f lt 1S v 8]o - w ’ stl11 ls ‘ onward ’ and the great mass of our poor 
white population begin to understand that they have rights, and that they 

ThJZ T M edto of the sympathy wftch fallslpon the sffferinj 

They are fa^>t learning that there is an almost infinite world of industry open- 

from wrofeh 1” 7 W U WCL ' h0y Ca “ eIevate themselves and their faEs 
fiom wietchedness and ignorance to competence and intelligence. It is this 

concerned °* W kaV€ lo f ear > &0 f ar as our institutions are 

HOW THEY OBTAIN “A PRECARIOUS SUBSISTENCE.” 

Gov. Hammond, in an address before the South Carolina Insitute, in 1850, 
describes these poor whites as follows : 

“ They obtain a precarious subsistence by occasional jobs, by hunting, by 
fishing, by plundering fields or folds, and too often by ‘what is in its effects 
far^worse—trading with slaves, and seducing them to plunder for their ben- 











40 


freeman’s manual. 


GLAD TO WORK FOR HALF PRICE. 

Elsewhere Mr. Gregg speaks as follows : 

u jt is only necessary to build a manufacturing village of shanties, in a 
healthy location, in any part of the State, to have crowds of these people 
around you, seeking employment at half the compensation given to operatives 
at the North. It is, indeed, painful to be brought in contact with such ignor¬ 
ance and degradation.” 

ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND PERSONS DON’T 

WORK “ SCHOOL FUND”—“ WASTE OF MONEY”—“ONLY A STEP IN 

ADVANCE OF THE INDIAN OF THE FOREST,”—“ CHRISTIANIZING 
OUR POOR WHITES.” 

From an address upon the subject of manufactures in South Carolina, delivered 
in 1851, before the South Carolina Institute, by Wm. Gregg, Esq., I make the 
following extracts: 

“ In all other countries, and particularly manufacturing States, labor and capital 
are assuming an antagonistical position. Here it cannot be the case; capital will 
be able to control labor, even in manufactures with whites, for blacks can be resor¬ 
ted to in case of need. * * * Fi'om the best estimates that I have 

been able to make, I put down the white people who ought to work and who do 
not, or who are so employed as to be wholly unproductive to the State, at one hun¬ 
dred and twenty-five thousand. * * By this it appears that but one-fifth 

of the present poor whites of our State would be necessary to operate 1,000,000 
spindles. * ® The appropriation annually made by our Legislature for our 

School Fund, every one must be aware, so far as the country is concerned, has 
been little better than a waste of money. * * * While we are aware that the 

Northern and Eastern States find no difficulty in educating their poor, we are 
ready to despair of success in the matter, for even penal laws against the neglect 
of education would fail to bring many of our country people to send their children 
to school. * * I have long been under the impression, and every day’s experi¬ 

ence has strengthened my convictions, that the evils exist in the wholly neglected 
condition of this class of persons. Any man who is an observer of things could 
hardly pass through our country without being struck by the fact that all the cap¬ 
ital, entei'prise and intelligence is employed in directing slave labor; and the con¬ 
sequence is, that a large portion of our poor white people are wholly neglected, and 
are suffered to while away an existence in a state but one step in advance of the 
''■Indian of the forest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, and nothing but a change 
in public sentiment will effect its cure. These people must be brought into daily 
contact with the rich and the intelligent—they must be stimulated to mental action, 
and taught to appreciate education and the comforts of civilized life; and this, wo 
believe, may be effected only by the introduction of manufactures. * * My 

experience at Graniteville has satisfied me, that unless our poor people can be 
brought together in villages, and some means of employment afforded them, it 
will be an utterly hopeless effort to undertake to educate them. * * We have 

/Collected at that place about 800 people, and as likely looking a set of country girls 
as can be found, industrious and orderly people, but deplorably ignorant, three- 
fourths of the adults not being able to read, or to write their names. * * With 

the aid of ministers of the Gospel on the spot to preach to them and lecture them 
on the subject, we have obtained but about sixty children for our school, of about 
a hundred that are in the place. We are satisfied that nothing but time and 
patience will enable us to bring them all out. * * It is very clear to me, that 

the only means of educating and Christianizing our poor whites, will be to bring 
them into such villages, where they will not only become intelligent, but a thrifty 
and useful class in our community. * * * Notwithstanding our rule that no 

one can be permitted to occupy our houses who does not send all his children to 
school that are between the ages of G and 12, it was with some difficulty, at first, 
that we could make up even a small school.” 


freeman’s manual. 


41 


“OUR HALF-FED, HALF-CLOTHED” NON-SLAVE-HOLDING WHITES. 


In a paper published in 1852 upon the “ Industrial regeneration of the South ” 
advocating manufactures, the Hon. J. H. Lumpkin, of Georgia,TysT ’ 

bed^oVc^e 0 ^^ B»fT^lf aCtUring estab j isb ^e n ts“will become the hot-' 
graded half %d P„lf „,3? I H n ° means ready to concede tllat our Poor, de- 
S anv 1 1 h6 ^ an lgn ° 1 rant P°P u lation—without Sabbath-schools, 

of cWn!^r kmdof .instruction, mental or moral, or without any just appreciation 
un( ?the n - 1 i* be f 1I1JUr 1 d hy glV , mg theiU em P lo yiiient, which will bring them 

an Wh ° WilHnSpire them " ith -If-respect by taking 


THE POOR WHITE MAN WILL ENDURE PINCHING POVERTY RATH¬ 
ER THAN TO WORK BESIDE THE NEGRO. 


A P a per upon CWfon and Cotton Manufactures at the South, by Mr. Charles T 
James (United States Senator) of Rhode Island, which I find in DeBow’s Industrial 
Resow ces of the South and West, contains statements similar, in substance to 
those of Messrs. Taylor, Gregg, and Lumpkin. Mr. James’ pursuits have rn^de 
lm acquainted with the condition of manufactures in all sections of the country 
and his essays are written in a spirit of candor, and even kindness, to the South’ 
as their publication by De Bow sufficiently proves. Mr. James says : ’ 

“ This is a subject on which, though it demands attention, we should speak with* 
delicacy. It is not to be disguised, nor can it be successfully controverted, that a 

c^tein^fl^nf 11 * ° f i P0Ve i rty T d d f stitution exist in the Southern States, among a 
certain class of people, almost unknown in the manufacturing districts of fhe 
North. _ The poor white man will endure the evils of pinching poverty, rather than 
nffSh” SerV ;! e ^. bor ander th f eating state of things, even were employment 
offered him, which is not general The white female is not wanted at service, and, 
if she were, she would, however humble in the scale of society, consider such ser¬ 
vice a degree of degradation to which she could not condescend; and she has, 
therefore, no resource, but to suffer the pangs of want and wretchedness. Boys 
and girls, by thousands, destitute both of employment and the means of education 
| ro 'I U PJ° lgno / an ce and poverty, and, too many of them, to vice and crime!/ 
J ‘ ihe wnter kn0 , w3 > fr , om Personal acquaintance and observation, that poor 
Southern persons, male and female, are glad to avail themselves of individual 
efforts to procure a comfortable livelihood in any employment deemed respectable 
for white persons. They make applications to cotton mills where such persons are 
wanted, in nnmbers much beyond the demand for labor; and, when admitted there 
they soon assume the industrious habits and decency in dress and manners of the 
operators in Northern factories. A demand for labor in such establishments is all 
that is necessary to raise this class from want and beggary, and (too frequently) 
moral degradation, to a state of comfort, comparative independence, and moral 
and social respectability. Beside this, thousands of such would naturally come 
together as residents in manufacturing villages, where, with very little trouble and 
expense, they might receive a common school education, instead of growing up in 
profound ignorance.” oar 


“ ONE MASTER GRASPS THE WHOLE DOMAIN.” 

First the farmer without slaves, and then the small planter, succumbs to the 
conquering desolation. How feelingly it is depicted in the following extract from 
an Address delivered a few weeks since by the Hon. C. C. Clay, jr., of Alabama: ’ 
“ I can show you, with sorrow, in the older portions of Alabama, and in my 
native county of Madison, the sad memorials of the artless and exhausting culture 
of cotton. Our small planters, after taking the cream off their lands, unable to" 
restore them by rest, manures, or otherwise, are going further West and South, in 
search of other virgin lands, which they may and will despoil and impoverish in 
like manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means and no more skill, are 
buying out their poorer neighbors, extending their plantations, and adding to their 
slave force. The wealthy few, who are able to live on smaller profits and to give 
their blasted fields some rest, are thus pushing off the many who are merely inde- 


42 


freeman’s manual 

pendent. Of the $20,000,000 annually realized from the sales of the cotton crop 
of Alabama, nearly all not expended in supporting the producers is re-invested in 
land and negroes. Thus the white population has decreased and the slave increas¬ 
ed almost pari passu in several counties in our State. In 1825 Madison County 
cast abont 3,000 votes ; now she cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In traversing that 
county, one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the abode of industrious and 
intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, or tenantless, deserted and dilapida¬ 
ted : he will observe fields, once fertile now unfenced, abandoned and covered with 
those evil harbingers, fox-tail and broomsedge; he will see the moss growing on 
the mouldering walls of once thrift villages, and will find ‘ one only master grasps 
the whole domain ’ that once furnisned happy homes for a dozen white families. 
Indeed, a country in its infancy, where fifty years ago scarce a forest tree had been 
felled by the axe of the pioneer, is already exhibiting the painful signs of senility 
and decay, apparent in Virginia and the Carolinas.” 

Now will our Northern men, wlio never expect to be slave-hold¬ 
ers, vote to extend slavery over Kansas, when it works such desola¬ 
tion and woe to non-slave-holders, as the above confessions of slave¬ 
holders proclaim ? 


CHAPTER IX. 

Kansas. $ 

Was Kansas invaded and her elections carried by ruffians residing 
outside of its limits ? The following extract from the speech re¬ 
cently delivered in the U. S. Senate by Wm. H. Seward, is a suffi¬ 
cient answer: 

The Free State party, through Ken. Pomroy, say: “The ballot-box 
that was opened upon virgin soil was closed to us by overpowering 
numbers and impending force. So bold and reckless were our inva¬ 
ders that they cared not to conceal their attack. They came upon 
us, not in the guise of voters, to steal away our franchise, but boldly 
and openly to snatch it with a strong hand. They came directly 
from their own homes, and in compact and organized bands, with 
arms in hand and provisions for the expedition, marched to our 
polls, and when their work was done, returned whence they came. 
It is unnecessary to enter into the details; it is enough to say that 
in three districts, in which, by the most irrefragible evidence, there 
was not one hundred and fifty voters,, most of whom refused to par¬ 
ticipate in the mockery of the elective franchise, these invaders polled 
over a thousand votes.” 

In regard to the election of the 30th of March, 1855, the same 
party state: 

# u They (the Missourians) arrived at their several destinations the 
night before the election, and having pitched their camps and placed 



freeman's manual. 


43 


sissies 

i -b—their purposes * 

, a «y extremity in destruction of property and lifp Tf^L 


fn fnot 1 /I atiti-4 _ 


+ *u • i,,, 1 7 . v aAiUCU ^ou ana aeclared thev would 

one portion of the mob commenced to tear down thp 
Rouse ; another proceeded to break in the door of the judges’ room 

, w . lth <* rawn knives ; Posted themselves Jthe window' 
with the proclaimed purpose of killing any voter who would allow 
himself to be sworn. Voters were dragged from the window hp 

th^mob'^nd'the i ^ ?T ^ etS ° r V ° te at the dotation of 
tne mob, and the invaders declared openly, at the polls that tW 

ri d X f thr0ate 0f the jud S es if A did » 0 P t re’ceite their 
voles without reqmrmg an oath as to their residence. The room 
was finally forced, and the judges, surrounded by an armed and 
excited crowd, were offered the alternative of resi/nation or death 
and five minutes were allowed for their decision. The ballot-box 
was seized, and, amid shouts of ‘ Hurrah for Missouri/ was carried 
into the mob The two menaced Judges then left the ground to¬ 
gether with all the resident citizens, except a few who acted in the 
outrage, because the result expected from it corresponded to their 
own views. r eir 

“ W * ie “ an ® xeess of the foreign force was found to be had at 
one poll, detachments were sent to the others. * * * a mini* 

ter of the Gospel, who refused to accede to the demands of a similar 
mob of some four hundred armed and organized men, was driven by 
Violence from his post, and the vacancy filled by themselves * * 

* Another clergyman, for the expression of his opinion was assault 
ed and. beaten ** * The inhabitants of ££ 

to resist the abundant supply of arms and ammunition/organized 



44 


freeman’s manual. 


preparation, and overwhelming numbers of foreigners, left the polls 

without voting. * * * In the Lawrence distrirtone voter was 

fired at as he was driven from the election ground. 

; ne they had a greater force than was necessary foi that poll, some 
20 S 0 men were drafted from the number, and sent ofl under th^ 
proper officers to another district, after which they still polled fro 

this camp 700 votes. * * * In the fourth and seventh distocte 

the invaders came together in an armed and organized body, with 
trains of fifty wagons, besides horsemen, and the night before elec¬ 
tion, pitched their camps in the vicinity of the polls, and having 
elected their own judges, in place of those who, from mtimida 
or otherwise, failed to attend, they voted without any proof of resi¬ 
dence. In these two election districts, where the census shows 100 
votes, there were polled 314 votes, and last fall 765 votes, although 
a large number of actual residents did not vote on either occasion. 
* * * From a careful examination of tbe returns, we are. satis¬ 

fied that over 8000 votes were thus cast by tbe citizens and residents 
of tbe States.” 


THE STATEMENTS OF THE BORDER RUFFIAN PARTY. 

I place in opposition to those statements of tbe party that was 
overborne, tbe statements of tbe party that prevailed, beginning 
with signals of tbe attack and ending with celebrations of tbe vie- 

t 0 r Gen. Stringfellow addressed tbe invaders in Missouri, on tbe eve 
of tbe election of March 80, 1855, thus : ... 

r u To those who have qualms of conscience as. to violating laws, 
''State or National, tbe time has come when such impositions must be , 
disregarded, as your rights and property are in danger; and I advise j 
you, one and all, to enter every election district in Kansas, in deb- 
ance of Reeder and bis vile myrmidons, and vote at tbe point of tbe 
bowie knife and revolver. Neither give nor take quarter, as our 
case demands it. It is enough that tbe slave-bolding interest wills 
it from which there is no appeal. What right has Gov. Reeclfer to 
rrile Missourians in Kansas ? His proclamation and prescribed oath 
must be repudiated. It is your interest to do so. Mind that slavery 
v is established where it is not prohibited.” 

Tbe Kansas Herald , an organ of both tbe administration and the - 
pro-slavery party, announced tbe result of tbe legislative election in 
tbe territory immediately afterward as follows : 

u Yesterday was a proud and glorious day for the friends of Southern 
Rights. Tlie triumph of the pro-slavery party was complete and over- 
/ whelming. Come on, Southern men! bring your slaves and fill up the tern- 
S tory ! Kansas is saved.” 

Tbe Squatter Sovereign , published in Missouri, thus announced 
tbe result of tbe election, tbe day after it closed : 






freeman’s manual 


45 


were 


-7^ 


came in at the west side of thepublics Inde P« nd “<* brass banS! tog 
it, the bands cheering us with fme mus.c'amlTh' ploceeded entirely around 
Immediately following the bands were t’w^ V th a with good news. 

order; following these^ere one^und^d andlft^wa 0 '' 8 ™ 611 **»»» 

They gave repeated cheers for Kansas and Mi..? v «gons, carnages, Ac. 
an anti-slaver^ man will be in the UgMat^e of ^° rt thst not 

a clean swe^p.” J^egisiatuie o i Kansas. We have made 




tion F some fi to e mnoTet'btuh^mos”''tolet™ toThdiT™-I -* 0 4tt * nd the doc- 

tion, it they liked the territory, to make it Hw farmlies ’ with an inten- ' 
earliest moment practicable. But t^fntended tn Pel 'f lane m t l . abode ’ at the 
were, many of them, Douglas men r TW ™? d J he Mi ssourians 

1/0 ft om Howard, 100 from Cooper TnLid 15 ° V ° tel ’ S from this couu ty, 

armed. and W . hen A th y set out ^ looked like an army 7 T™* 7 / U pj shcd its 

tents. Their mission was^Tjfeaceabl^°one—to vot^ G d?^ 7 ’ th ey TaiTfed 
for their future homes. After the election some 1^00 d f° ?u 1Ve down stakes 
committee to Mr. Reeder, to ascertain if itw^T* 15 °° ° f the voters sent a 
tion. He answered that it was^ and^hat tZ , 8 P ? r P° ?e to ratif J the elec 

carry the day. But it is not to be denied tharthe^hOO^a e J eCt V? n must 

SSSti 

CASE SUMMED UP. 


__ r • 


w -* w »- X u # 

bo^rscid n h7do e rwt returain *<» - 

trot 't: tjaitorous dog ^ 

ernor Reeder, or any other power attplt li % F,esidellt ^erce, or Gov- 
portion of the Union, and iLt day will never be forgotten” ^ “ y ° ,her 





46 


freeman’s manual. 


slavery movement therein directed against Kansas, in ai speech re¬ 
ported as having been made to his fellow-citizens, and which, so far 
as I know, lias not been disavowed, said . 

, «I saw it with my own eyes. These men came with the avowed 

' purpose of driving or expelling you from the territory. What did 
I advise you to do ? Why, meet them at their own game. When 
the first election came off, I told you to go over and vote. You did 
so, and beat them. We, our party in Kansas, nominated Gen. W hit- 
field. They, the Abolitionists, nominated Flenmken; not 1 lane- 
gan, for Flanegan was a good, honest man, but Flenmken. Well, 
the next day after the election, that same Flenmken, with three 
hundred of his voters, left the territory, and has never returned 

no, never returned 1 _ „ ,. T 

“Well what next ? Why, an election for members ol the Legis¬ 
lature, to*organize the territory, must be held. What did I advise 
you to do then ? Why, meet them on their own ground, and beat 
them at their own game again; and, cold and inclement as the wea¬ 
ther was, I went over with a company of men. My object in going 
was not to vote; I had not a right to vote, unless I had disfranchised 
myself in Missouri. I was not within two miles of a voting place. 
My object in going was not to vote, but to. settle a difficulty between 
two of our candidates; and the Abolitionists of the North, said, and 
published it abroad, that Atchison was there, with bowie knife and re¬ 
volver, and by God ’twas true. I never did go into that territory, I 
never intend to go into that territory without being prepared for all 
such kind of cattle. Well, we beat them; and Gov. Reeder gave certi¬ 
ficates to a majority of all the members of both Houses; and then, 
after they were organized, as everybody will admit, they were the 
only competent persons to say who were and who were not members 
of the same.” 

BY THEIR FRUITS SHALL YE KNOW THEM. 


A tree is known by its fruits. If Missourians voted in Kansas, 
it would be expected that the ballots deposited would exceed the 
number of electors. Just so it was. We have seen that it was so 
asserted. The Executive Journal, recently obtained, proves that in 
four districts, where the results were not contested, 2,964 votes were 
cast on the 30th of March, although only 1,365 voters were there, 
as ascertained by the census. Again: The legislature chosen on 
the 30th of March, 1855, withdrew from the interior of the territory 
to a place inconvenient to its citizens, and on the borders of Missouri. 
There that legislature enacted laws to this effect, namely; forbid¬ 
ding the speaking, writing, or printing, or publishing, of anything, 
in any form, calculated to disaffect slaves, or induce them to escape, 
under pain of not less than five years imprisonment with hard labor; 
and forbidding free persons from mantaining, by speech, writing, or 
printing, or publishing, that slaves cannot lawfully be held in the 


freeman’s manual. 


47 


territory, under pain of imprisonment and hard labor two years 

cau^e founded on a breach of tSaws which iTave des^ibed ° They 
further provided that all officers and attorneys should be sworn not 
only to support the Constitution of the United States, but also to 
and sustam the organic law of the territory and the Fuqi- 
e Stave Law ; and that any persons offering to vote shall be me 
sumed to be entitled to vote until the contrary is shown • and if anv 
one, when required, shall refuse to take an oath to sustain the fuel 
tive slave Law, he shall not be permitted to vote. Although they pafs- 

vpALT h a UOne ^ a V nhabitant who had P aid a tax should vote 
yet they made no time of residence necessary, and provided for the 

immediate payment of a poll tax; so virtual^declaring that on the 
eve of an election the people of a neighboring State can come in in 
unlimited numbers, and by taking up a residence of a day or'an 
hour, pay a poll tax, and thus become legal voters, and then after 
voting return to their own State. They th^, in practical effect 
provided for the people of Missouri to control'future elections at 
their pleasure, and permitted such only of the real inhabitants of 
the territory to vote as are friendly to the holding of slaves. They 
permitted no election of any of the officers in the territory to be 
made by the people thereof, but created the offices, and filled^ them, 

d A ffiCerS i t0 i fi • them > f ° r Ion S P eriods * The J Provided 

that the next annual election should be held in October, 1856, and 
the Assembly should meet in January, 1857; so that none of these 

iaS* 00 w ^ cban S ed un ^! lower House might be changed, in 
185b , but the Council, which is elected for two years, could not be 
ch a nge d so as to allow a change of the laws or officers until the ses¬ 
sion ot 1858 however much the inhabitants of the territory might 
desire it. How forcibly do these laws illustrate that old political 
maxim of the English nation, that a Parliament called by a con¬ 
queror is itself conquered and enslaved ! Who but foreigners, usur¬ 
pers and tyrants, could have made for the people of Kansas—a peo¬ 
ple “ perfectly free”—such laws as these ? Anatomists will describe 
the instrument, and even the force of the blow, if only you show 
them the wound. Behold the proofs on which the allegations of in¬ 
vasion, usurpation, and tyranny, made by the new State of Kansas 
rest. They are, first: The President’s own virtual admission bv 
defenses indirect, irrelevant, ill-tempered, sophistical, and evasive 
Second : An absolute agreement, concurrence, and harmony be¬ 
tween the statements of the conflicting parties who were engaged in 
the transactions involved. Third : The consequences of those trans¬ 
actions exactly such as must follow, if the accusations be true and 
such as could not result if they be false. 


48 


freeman’s manual. 


MORE PROOF. 

Mr. Greeley, writing to the New York Tribune , in relation to 
Judge Collamer’s speech, wherein fallacious and mis-statements of 
Senator Douglas were exposed, says : 

But Judge Collamer did not rest in inferences, however irresist¬ 
ible. He produced the long expected executive minutes of the 
territorial government of Kansas, which should have been sent for¬ 
ward in January, but which have been received within the last few 
days. By the help of these, he was enabled to make this blasting 
exhibit: 

In February of last year, Gov. Feeder, as required by law, had a 
census of Kansas taken, as a basis for the division of the territory 
into Council and Representative Districts, and the apportionment of 
members to each—which apportionment was accordingly made. On 
the 30th of the following month, the Legislative election was held, 
and the vote then taken, in districts not contested before Gov. Reeder , 
compares with the officially ascertained number of legal voters in 
those districts as follows : 


Council Dist. 

No. Legal Votes. 

Votes Polled. 

y 

442 

855 

VII 

247 

586 

VIII 

208 

417 

X 

468 

1,286 

Total 

1,365 

2,964 


These official returns, copied from the Executive minutes, prove 
something more than the existence of astounding frauds—they prove 1 
that those frauds were carefully planned and executed under the 
guidance of a common head. Had the Missourians simply precipi- | 
tated themselves on the polls of Kansas without pre-concert and loj 
common direction, we should inevitably have seen an enormously in 
disproportioned vote polled in one district to that in another—here f j 
a few extra votes and there a great many—but no; the work was 
done according to rule—the rascality was as skilful as audacious. t< 
hese districts elected six Councilmen and some twelve of four-*, 
teen Representatives—a large majority of the whole number uncon- i 
tested before Gov. Reeder. One of them was contested, but just; 
one hour too late. From another, the Judge of Election appointed! 
by Gov. Reeder made substantially this official report in writing, 
which appears on the executive minutes: 

“ We opened the poll as by law required, but was very soon sur¬ 
rounded by a crowd of strangers from Missouri, who shoved back 
and intimidated the residents of Kansas, and insisted on voting 
themselves. We could not take, and dare not refuse their votes; 
so we abandoned the poll. Whereupon the Missourians proceeded 





freeman's manual. 


49 


, 41 

rhx'V^T voted totheir he ^ f 

•to*. S";,“ zi! i, z: t "«• 

^“srt:!:sv£ X j£a^fcfcjs 

lolding or cloaking ? business for Northern men to be 

TZZTT C ° MPLICITY IN ™ tr ansactions. 

a ; dded > ‘b briug more distinctly 

t the abrogation of the prohibition n f i h ° derS - ° f Mis “uri, to 
r interfered to prevent to j ® °f s, ^y er N in Kansas. He 
,d his official paionage’pat— ZX £"** the '“- He em! 
>ets the usurpation and tvrannv es^vfr He now defends 
ansas, with all the influence oFhif^ bl ,‘ sh . ed b 7 the invaders 
the military power of the Republic- anfl^ StatIon > and even 
eople there to submit to the forcible cst m? , ar S ues the duty of 
dation of the national pledge ®u f ?r f bhshment of slavery, 
hey should be left perfectlv to ^ C0 ° cur , red iQ giving, 

' obnoxious system. Ittlnmm 0 reject and exclude that 
d States holds the people of Kfnsn S that . the Resident of the 
et .’’-Seward’s Speech pr ° Strate and enslaved at 

His INCONSISTENCY, "DORR REBELLION - 4c 

e?K"r s i‘ l *” f «“ p - =*,' 

aken to form a State constitftinn “t ^ aDSas who have 

r measures are carried out it will h reuo ^lutionary, and says 

o reform their government without^ 7 Where P<50pIe ma y 
vernment; and I 8haUno7 tent* the consen t of the exist- 
s_of my own upon tLl subject but I sh'^f 688 ^ Crude 
lions of the President of thL tt v*5 l baIi favor y ou with 
estion. It cannot have escaped* 3 tlm Zlt that 

it about fourteen years ao 0 thorn w Gollectl ? n of gentle- 

w*.,, „a., 5 nig 




48 


freeman’s manual. 


MORE PROOF. 

Mr. Greeley, writing to the New York Tribune , in relatior 
Judge Collamer’s speech, wherein fallacious and mis-statements 
Senator Douglas were exposed, says : 

But Judge Collamer did not rest in inferences, however irres 
ible. He produced the long expected executive minutes of 
territorial government of Kansas, which should have been sent: 
ward in January, but which have been received within the last 
days. By the help of these, he was enabled to make this blast 
exhibit: 

In February of last year, Gov. Reeder, as required by law, ha I 
census of Kansas taken, as a basis for the division of the terrili 
into Council and Representative Districts, and the apportionmen i 
members to each—which apportionment was accordingly made. ! 
the 30th of the following month, the Legislative election was h! 
and the vote then taken, in districts not contested before Gov. Ree\ 
compares with the officially ascertained number of legal voters) 
those districts as follows : 


Council Dist. 

No. Legal Votes. 

Votes Polled. 1 

Y 

442 

855 

YII 

247 

586 

VIII 

208 

417 

X 

468 

1,286 

Total 

1,365 

2,964 


These official returns, copied from the Executive minutes, pf 
something more than the existence of astounding frauds—they pjt 
that those frauds were carefully planned and executed under f 
guidance of a common head. Had the Missourians simply prej] 
tated themselves on the polls of Kansas without pre-concert c 
common direction, we should inevitably have seen an enormc| 
disproportioned vote polled in one district to that in another— i 
a few extra votes and there a great many—but no; the work f 
done according to rule—the rascality was as skilful as audaciou;, 
hese districts elected six Councilmen and some twelve of | 
teen Representatives—a large majority of the whole number ui [ 
tested before Gov. Reeder. One of them was contested, but i 
one hour too late. From another, the Judge of Election appo l 
by Gov. Reeder made substantially this official report in wri| 
which appears on the executive minutes : 

“ We opened the poll as by law required, but was very soori 
rounded by a crowd of strangers from Missouri, who shoved 
and intimidated the residents of Kansas, and insisted on v ( 
themselves. We could not take, and dare not refuse their v I 
so we abandoned the poll. Whereupon the Missourians proc< 






freeman's manual. 


49 


*±< 

con SSlt£t‘ to their hearts ’ 

bers to the Council* wh^voted^of co"*^ its vote sent two mem- 
sen Kansas men and fill their places with’the vf P ^ the honestI y cho- 
by Gov. Reeder. Isn’t this an ire k„„- tIle border ruffians rejected 
upholding or cloaking ? usiness for Northern men to be 

" 71 * 7 Tr C0MPLICITTIN these “« s . 

into viertC&tr^ptiS tf* ‘° “ 0re distinctly 
establish his responsibility therefo^ Th^P ^ ansactlons i and to 
official influence and patronage tothe sht L° pen ^ ient tis 
effect the abrogation of the prohibition a J j hoIders . of Missouri, to 
never interfered to prevent to r 7 of + a s a 7 er y ln Kansas. He 

ployed his official patronage patrona w V, ^ tbem • He em- 

proteets the usurpation and tvrannl* , He n °w defends 

in Kansas, with all the influence /liTS^,^ the inra ders 
with the military power of the Republic- ^ statlor b and even 
the people there to submit to the forciw’ Av® ? rgUes the dut yof 
? violation of the of slavery, 

hat they should be left perfectly’fr^^ to re) C ° f DCUr , red in g*™g, 
justly obnoxious system It th„L to reject and exclude that 
United States hold^ the people of kTs? PresideQ ‘ of 

iis feet.”— Seward’s Speech P r0strate and enslave d at 


HIS INCONSISTENCY, -DORK REBELLION, 


<fcc. 


;JdYn f the°n i3 S Ire? e Spe<3Ch ° f Jol “ P ' HaIe ’ recently deliv- 


iounces the prteedings of th^se P ’ “ hi ? Kansas “essage, de- 
;ndertaken to fcmXtelaSfr ln , Kansas who° have 
their measures are carried out it will’be Son Well ^ 

*ps it is very difficult to define and say exactly wber! ’ T’ P ® r ' 
'8 ln ^ reform their government withmit Ml 7 h F GOple ,na y 
■? government: anf exist- 


5 government- anrf T oWi v, ± '7 Ul toe exist- 

i- inions of my own upon that ^ V . GQt ^ r f T \ ex P r ess any crude 
opinions of the President of thJn’tl P shall /?™r you with 


it 3 opinions of thePre7jen7of then W ^ 

d-v Question Tf e&1 ^ nt ot the United States himself on that 
cted Governor of Rbnrtn T T ] ho ^ las W - Uorr, who claimed to be 




50 


freeman’s manual. 


ber 1842; and at that meeting General Pierce delivered a very 
congratulatory speech to Governor Dorr, and closed with the presen¬ 
tation of a series of resolutions, which, as they are not long, I will 

read: 


I. Resolved, That all government of right originates from the people, is 

f ° 2 nd ^sXXThat a whenCTCT t the°ends Sf government are perverted. and 
oublic liberty manifestly endangered, and all other means of redress aie nef 
Fectual, the people may, and of right ought to, reform the old and establish a 

D< T if the friends of liberty should wait for leave of tyrants 

to abolishtyrknny, the day of free government would never dawn upon the 
PV p, of the oonressed millions of our race. ... • .1 , 

^4 Resolved? Tliat when the people act m their original sovereign capacity 
in forming and adopting new systems of government, they are not bound to 
conform to any rules or forms of proceeding not instituted by themselves. 

5 Resolved, That the adoption of tho people’s constitution in Rhode Island 
by thh'teen thousand nine hundred and forty-four votes being an acknowl¬ 
edged and large majority of the whole male adult population of that State, 
was such an act of the people in their sovereign capacity as rendered it the 
paramount law of the State. 

General Pierce went thus far; but Mr. Hibbard presented the 
two following additional resolutions, which the. New Hampshire 
Patriot says were “ cheerfully accepted by Mr. Pierce : 

6. Resolved, That in welcoming to the soil of’New Hampshire our present 
distinguished guest, Thomas W. Dorr, the rightful Governor of Rhode Island 
we embrace the occasion of tendering the tribute of our respect and esteem to 
the tried patriotism, and unwavering devotion to the cause of free suttiage 
which has so eminently and honorably characterized his past career; and that 
so long as the people of Rhode Island are true to themselves and to the caust 
of civil liberty, they will never abate their trust nor remit their exeitioni 
until their sovereignty shall be acknowledged, the constitution of their adop 
tion established in fact as it now is in right—the paramount law of the land 
and the officers of their choice restored to the places to which they have bed 

° n ^ ^Resolved, That John Tyler, the acting President of the United State* 
in interfering with, and assuming to decide, by the arm of the military powe 
of the general government, the question of sovereignty pending between tb 
people and the"charter party of Rhode Island, thereby for a time prostratin 
the cause of free suffrage and paralizing the efforts of its friends in that Stan 
has been guilty of a flagrant usurpation of unconstitutional power, for whic 
no censure can be too severe, and inflicted an injury upon the cause of constito 
tional freedom for which no reparation can adequately atone. 

Now, to bring tbe point of these resolutions distinctly before tt 
Senate, I propose to read this last resolution, substituting tbe nan 
of “ Franklin Pierce” for “ John Tyler,” “ Kansas” for“Rho( 
Island,” and “pro-slavery party” for “charter party;” and s 
how it will then read. It would read in this wise: 


Resolved , That Franklin Pierce, the acting President of the United Stat 
in interfering with, and assuming to decide, by the arm of the muita 
power of the General Government, the question of slavery pending betwi 
tho people and the pro-slavery party of Kansas, thereby for a time prostrati 
the cause of free suffrage and paralysing the efforts of its friends in t. 





Jb'REEMAJN S MAIN UAL,. 


ux 


territory, has been guilty of a flagrant usurpation of unconstitutional power, 
for which no censure can be too severe, and has inflicted an injury on the 
cause of constitutional freedom, for which no reparation can adequately atone. 

He ought certainly to be willing to take such medicine as he 
administers ; and it seems to me that the cases, with this bare alter¬ 
ation of names, are very nearly parallel—at least enough so for the 
argument. 

A PRECEDENT FOR THE FREE STATE CONVENTION OF KANSAS. 

In the course of a debate in the Senate the other day, on the 
proposition to receive the memorial of a number of t]|e free State 
men of Kansas, asking admission into the Union under the consti¬ 
tution adopted by the Topeka convention, Mr. Douglas characterized 
the action of that convention as “ revolutionary and rebellious,” 
and declared that he could not recognize Kansas as a State, either 
in or out of the Union, in consequence of what they had done 
without authority and law.” His new-born zeal for law is now pretty 
well understood; but precedent counts for something in law, and 
Mr. Waldron,"a new representative from Michigan in the House, had 
shown only two days before, in a brilliant and powerful speech, that 
the history of that State previous to its admission into the Union 
furnished a case almost exactly parallel to that of the Free State 
convention of Kansas. Mr. Waldron is a miller by profession, and 
his maiden speech is a convincing proof that he knows how to work 
on the floor of Congress. Mr. Greeley, in a letter to the New York 
Tribune , thus summarises his argument: 

In 1835-6, Michigan had out-grown her territorial swaddling- 
clothes, and was ripe for transformation into a State. But she had 
an unsettled boundary dispute with Ohio, involving a strip of land 
on which the city of Toledo has since grown up. There had been 
serious collisions of jurisdictions, threatening others still more seri¬ 
ous; and Congress resolved not to admit Michigan unless she would 
consent to quit-claim this disputed territory. On this condition 
being made known, a new constitutional convention was held, under 
the auspices of the territorial government, which convention decided 
not to accept admission on the condition imposed by Congress. So 
the question seemed to be at rest. 

But not so: a movement was directly set on foot by voluntary 
popular agitation, outside of and in defiance of the territorial au¬ 
thorities, for another convention, which was accordingly chosen and 
held, though none but the friends of the movement recognized it in 
any way, and two of the most populous counties were not at all 
represented. This volunteer, spontaneous convention resolved to 
accept admission on the terms exacted by Congress and rejected by 
the regular convention; and sent on the requisite documents to Gen. 
Jackson, then President. Gen. Jackson sent the proceedings of 
both conventions to Congress, without indicating any preference on 


FREEMAN'S MANUAL 


his own part. They came first before the House, where the follow¬ 
ing proceedings were had: 

House, Jan. 11, 1836.—Memorial of the Legislature of the State 
of Michigan presented. Mr. Hannegan, of Ind., moved that it be 
rejected. Motion defeated; Franklin Pierce voting in the ma¬ 
jority. Mr. Hannegan then moved that it be received “ as the 
voluntary act of private individuals.” This was adopted, but Mr. 
Fierce voted in the negative. On the question as to which of the 
two conventions should be recognized as representing the people of 
Michigan, the Democratic House decided in favor of the irregular 
or spontaneous convention—Franklin Pierce voting in the majority. 

When the question came m due course before the Senate (Demo¬ 
cratic) it was referred to its judiciary committee, whereof Felix 
brundy, of Tennessee, was chairman. The committee sent out cir¬ 
culars to Michigan, to ascertain which of the rival conventions most 
truly represented the people of that State, and which had received 
most of the people's votes.. After awaiting and receiving answers to 
these circulars, the committee reported that the spontaneous conven- 
tion was entitled to be accredited rather than the regular: and that 
Michigan should be admitted on its motion. This motion prevailed: 
yeas, Silas Wright, Benton, Buchanan, Wm. B. King, & c • navs 
only 10. The subject thereupon went to the House, where the 
action of the Senate was affirmed, and the admission of the State 

completed: yeas, 148; nays 58; Franklin Pierce and Isaac Toucev 
among the yeas. * 

So Michigan came into the Union on the application of a volun- 
teer anti-regular convention, just like that of free Kansas, and 
voted for Van Buren for President, in 1836. 

rwT^ 1 Sou ‘ hern “embers emphatically expressed the/opinion 
that this was the strongest speech for free Kansas that had 1 been 
made at this session. 

CASS FAVORABLY INCLINED TO THE FREE STATE MEN. 

, p'iTi ? 8SS 1S /avorably inclined to the free State men. He said 

Wn D o/ *? spected that Judge Douglas would touch some, 

at least, of the questions at issue in his report; but he has not— 
he merely abused the Emigrant Aid Societies and Reeder. I don’t 
see that they have anything to do with the case." And again— 
rhe y talk about your being rebels, and deserving rope and hemp 
I would like to see them arrest you; you have done nothing but 
what we did in Michigan." Of the doctrine underlying DouMas’ 
report, he said—“ Berrien (I think) tried that doctrine years ?c, 0 . 
it was laughed at; it won’t do.” J s ’ 

Loui^eZeraZ “ 0Ue ° f Redpath ’ s ^ *> St. 

QUALIFICATIONS FOK VOTING IN KANSAS. 

But, sir, an attempt is made to get rid of the odium justly attach- 


freeman’s manual. 


53 


the report the proceedings of o ” aets, Dut b 7 introducing into 

composed chiefly of officeholders, as it Zouldtlm- 0 ^^ K “ U “* 
judges, marshal, and district . 


judges, marshal, andXt™t^ 

as r “ A‘.trs;rir 


petuate their rule^Ed^ss^^ th{ }5 the ^S^ature, in order to per- 

which it is declared‘ that any oiie mav vntp b lf g quallfications of voters, by 

tive Slave Law, the Kans^ and T** &lle ^ce to the Fugi- 

declared to be the evidence of pitied- a ' , and P a y on e dollar;’ such is 

reply to this, we say that no such law waSviTpastod bv thl^T, 0 '’ VOt £' s ' In 
prescribing the qualification of velars , passecl b 7legislature. The law 

to vote, he g m„sAe twenty oni years to enti,,e * P^son 

and of the county or district in which he fwlJ t Ctual inba bitant of this territory 

torial tax. There i, „olaw Karina hil ,„ ? ™ t<! ; *,?* sbaU b ” e P aid a 
to vote.” requiring him to pay « dollar tax as a qualification 


somite 0 ^ * he | a ™ here > and I wish to call attention to 
this provision ? ' In cha I ,ter 188 «* the Kansas Statutes is 


the' revenne/°th^ theriS°ol7^ 1? evTry Tuty s^lt/" ^ f CoIla f»“ <* 
Monday of October, 1855 collect the c,™ ^7,, a ’ on or before the first 

person in the a P ° U . fr ° m each 

as is provided in the said it —i<> territory. 


---~ ^XV/XXXV/11 LCtl J m 

pJscntd^aTfolWs ^ ^ ^ ^ 1 Ualifioation of «*«• » 


sSflffgSSSSsSS 




„ ffi r)o , nc i t , the , se s t a tutes prove the truth of the allegation which the 
office-holders convention has undertaken to deny ? Is it not true 
that any inhabitant may vote who will pay his dollar tax ? Is not 
every voter required to pay the tax ? Is not the sheriff required to 
be present at the polls to receive it ? Is any residence necessary V 
Js ot a day. It is enough if he who claims the right of suffrage is 
at the time an “ inhabitant ” of the territory and district where he 
offers to vote. We all understand how this word “inhabitant" 
may be construed so as to require nothing more than inhabitancy at 
*£?. mo “ e . nt of voting. —From lion. Lyman Trumhall’s speech 
delivered in the U. S. Senate, March 14,1856 7 

5* 






54 


freeman’s manual. 


CHAPTER X. 

Emigrant Aid Societies. 

The following we take from the speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, 
delivered in the U. S. Senate, 19th May, 1856. 

THE SOCIETY ASSAILED. 

It only remains, under this head, that I should speak of the 
apology infamous ; founded on false testimony against the Emi¬ 
grant Aid Company, and assumptions of duty more false than the 
testimony. Defying truth and mocking decency, this apology excels 
all others in futility and audacity, while, from its utter hollowness, 
it proves the utter impotence of the conspirators to defend their 
crime. Falsehood, always infamous , in this case arouses peculiar 
scorn. An association of sincere benevolence, faithful to the Con¬ 
stitution and laws, whose only fortifications are hotels, school-houses 
and churches, whose mission is peace and good will, has been falsely 
assailed on this floor, and an errand of blameless virtue has been 
made the pretext for an unpardonable crime. Nay, more—the inno¬ 
cent are sacrificed, and the guilty set at liberty. They who seek to 
do the mission of the Savior are scourged and crucified, while the 
murderer, Barabbas, with the sympathy of the chief priests, goes .at 
large. Were I to take counsel of my own feelings, I should dismiss 
the whole apology to the ineffable contempt which it deserves ; but 
it has been made to play such a part in this conspiracy, that I feel 
it a duty to express it completely. 

MEN ORGANIZE FOR ALL PURPOSES. 

Sir, from the earliest times men have recognized the advantages 
of organization, as an effective agency in promoting works of peace 
or war. Especially at this moment there is no interest, public or 
private, high or low, of charity or trade, of luxury or convenience, 
which does not seek its aid. Men organize to rear churches and to 
sell thread; to build schools and to sail ships; to construct roads 
and to manufacture toys ; to spin cotton and to print books; to weave 
cloths and to quicken harvests; to provide food and to distribute 
light ) to influence public opinion and to secure votes; to guard in¬ 
fancy in its weakness, old age in its decrepitude, and womanhood in 
its wretchedness; and now, in all large towns, when death has come, 
they are buried by organized societies, and, emigrants to another 
world, they lay down in pleasant places, adorned by organized skill. 
To complain that this prevailing principle has been applied to living 
emigration, is to complain of Providence and the irresistible ten¬ 
dencies implanted in man. 

SUCH SOCIETIES NO RECENT INVENTION. 

But this application of the principles is no recent invention, 
brought forth for an existing emergency. It has the best stamp of 


freeman's manual. 


55 

antiquity. It showed itself in the brightest days of Greece, where 

no icv S lf T V6d “ r ga Ta d bai J ds ' 14 beoame a P a >-t of the mature 
policy of Rome, where bodies of men were constituted expressly for 

is purpose, triumviri ad colonis deducendos —fLiv. xxxvii 8 46 1 

SHte r fn bee ° iU m ° dern t!meS ^ e '’ er J Civilized 

fw's ^ “h the sanetmn of Spain, an association of Genoese mer¬ 
chants fiist introduced slaves to this continent. AVith the sanction 
of France, the society of Jesuits stretched their labors over Canada 

.ft*,-® gr , ea A • fn eS t0 tbe M ; SSISsi PP‘- was under the auspices 
? f 7, 0 ^ nt A^Compames, that our country was originally settled 
by the Pilgrim Fathers of Plymouth, by the adventurers of Virgi¬ 
nia and by the philanthropic Oglethorpe, whose “ benevolence of 
soul, commemorated by Pope, sought to plant a free State in Geor- 
gia. At this day, such associations of a humbler character are 
found in Europe, with offices in the great capital, through whose 
activity emigrants are aided here. 

HOW AND FOR WHAT IT WAS ORGANIZED. 

xr-nuf a ‘™ e ’ emi gy a *ion to the AA r est, from the Northern and 
Middle States, but particularly from New-England, had been of 
marked significance. In quest of better homes, annually it has 
pressed to the unsettled lands, in numbers to be counted by tens of 
thousands ; but this has been done heretofore with little knowledge 
and without guide or counsel. Finally, when, by the establishment 
of a government in Kansas, the tempting fields of that central re¬ 
gion were opened to the competition of peaceful colonization, and 
especially when it was declared that the question of freedom or 
slavery there, was to be determined by the vote of actual settlers 
then at. once was organization enlisted as an effective agency in 
quickening and conducting the emigration impelled thither and 
more than all, in providing homes for it on arrival there. The’Com- 
pany was first constituted under an act of the legislature of Massa¬ 
chusetts, 4th of May, 1854, some weeks prior to the passage of the 
Nebraska bill The original act of incorporation was subsequently 
abandoned, and a new. charter received in February 1855 in which 
the objects of the Society are thus declared : 

. “ For.the purposes of directing emigration westward, and aiding 
in providing accommodations for the emigrants after arriving at 
their place of destination J 

A LIE EXPOSED. 

At any other moment, an association for these purposes would 
have taken its place, by general consent, among the philanthropic 
experiments of the age; but crime is always suspicious, and shakes 
like a sick man, merely at the pointing of a finger. The conspira¬ 
tors against freedom in Kansas now shook with tremor, real or 
affected. Their wicked plot was about to fail. To help themselves 
they denounced the Emigrant Aid Company; and their denuncia- 


56 


freeman's manual. 


tions, after finding an echo in the President; have been repeated, 
with much particularity, on this floor, in the formal report of your 
committee. The falsehood of the whole accusation will appear in 
illustrative specimens. A* charter is set out, section by section, which, 
though originally granted, was subsequently abandoned, and it is 
not in reality the charter of the Company, but is materially unlike 
it. The Company is represented as “ a powerful corporation, with 
a capital of five millions;" when, by its actual charter, it is not al¬ 
lowed to hold property above one million, and, in point of fact, its 
capital has not exceeded $100,000. Then again, it is suggested, if 
not alleged, that this enormous capital, which I have already said 
does not exist, is invested in “ cannon and rifles, in powder and lead, 
and implements of war"—all of which, whether alleged or suggested, 
is absolutely false. The officers of this Company authorize me to 
give to this whole pretension a point-blank denial. All these alle¬ 
gations are of small importance, and I mention them only because 
they show the character of the report. 

ANOTHER LIE EXPOSED. 

But these are all capped by the unblushing assertion that the 
proceedings of the company were “ in perversion of the plain pro¬ 
visions of an act of Congress;" and also, another unblushing asser¬ 
tion, as “certain and undeniable," that the company was formed to 
promote certain objects, “ regardless of the rights and wishes of the 
people, as guarantied by the Constitution of the United States, and 
secured by their organic law;" when it is certain and undeniable 
that the company has done nothing in perversion of any act of Con¬ 
gress, while to the extent of its power it has sought to protect the 
rights and wishes of the actual people in the territory. Sir, this 
company has violated in no respect the Constitution or laws of the 
land; not in the severest letter or the slightest spirit. But every , 
other imputation is equally baseless. It is not true, as the Senator 
from Illinois has alleged, in order in some way to compromise the 
company, that it was informed before the public of the date fixed 
for the election of the legislature. This statement is pronounced j 
by the Secretary, in a letter now before me, “ an unqualified false- | 
hood, not having even the shadow of a shade of truth for its basis." I 
A BACH OF LIES DISPOSED OF. 

It is not true that men have been hired by the company to go to 
Kansas; for every emigrant, who has gone under its auspices, has j 1 
himself provided the means for his journey. Of course, sir, it is j 
not true, as has been complained by the Senator from South Caroli- \ 
na, with that proclivity to error which marks all his utterances, that j 
men have been sent by the company “ with one uniform gun, J 
Sharpe's rifle ;" for it has supplied no arms of any kind to anybody. ] 
It is not true that the company has encouraged any fanatical aggres- 9 
sion upon the people of Missouri; for it has counseled order, peace, I 




freeman’s manual. 67 

forbearance. It is not true thit the „„ 

grants on account of tbeir political n . ni P an y has chosen its emi- 
questions with regard to tlfopinions P o'f'° nS; v° r i4 has asked n ° 
this moment stands ready to forward those* 1 f Wbt>1 ? 14 aids ’ ancI at 
as the North, while, i u the territory af f fr °? the South as wel1 
admitted to an equal enjoyment o/’its temT wLa ‘ ever 1 ua rter, are 
not true that the company has sent nef, P g advanta g ea - It is 
turns, and not to remain in the territory T •f®''! 7 , to contro] elec- 
lts anticipation of pecuniary n.v, fit 7 ’ fo ' lts "’hole action and all 

stock the country witfpeSi^ti are l° Unded on the tope to 

tal of the company shaH b^made u Wh ° S6 Iabor the « a Pi- 
NOT AN" ABOLITION SOCIETY. 

bering tm“™^ a <>ciety,orof num- 

citizen of ample means and charitahle lit 1 ^ r f hldent Is a retired 
in the conflicts on slaved and has n k ’„ W °a h f 4aken 110 P a « 
be felt by Abolitionists. 7 ’ One of ito yic^ ° W? ? hls . s y m P a thies to 
from Virginia, with familyandfriendW“ d ? ,t,, ,. isia gentleman 
posed the Abolitionists Its .... theie, who has always op- 

absorbed by the objects of the m°” S treasure r, who is now justly 
stood as ranging with his extensive'^ 11 ' 7 ’ t laS a wa y® h een under- 
riage, on thesideTfthi by b, °° d and 
of the slave power Tfs lS Wblch submits to aI > ‘he tyranny 
and science than for any activity aoatost s^ eons P lc . uous for wealth 
an eminent lawyer of^SchuS D r ^ tbeSe is 

known, doubtless, to some who hear me who* a P m “<—Penally 

himself by an austere conservatlm too n^itl to the ,DgUi t bcd 

&sr as* t: ““s*- Sis jw? 

MB. CHAPMAN’S TESTIMONY. 

kept^mysc^f we'll "informed 1 ” \n lf'ard^o^to w” ‘v ** ? d haVe 

aware that any one in this commnnitv m P roce edings. I am not 

it has never done a sinolA w y PPf ODatlon ; and I assert that 

people of any section of the 7 ^ “7 P ° !iticaI P art y OT «>e 

name of its pres dent Mr Brown of P find faul ‘- ?he 

Mr. Lawrence of Boston „ m ProvldeDce i a n<l its treasurer, 
t^of gUaran , 4y . i11 4he est!ma - 

mterprise. & “ 


58 


freeman’s manual. 


parties except Abolitionists. I am not aware that it has received 
the patronage of that class of our fellow citizens, and I am in¬ 
formed that some of them disapprove of its proceedings. 


PLANTS CAPITAL IN ADVANCE OF POPULATION. 

The acts of the company have been such as might be expected 
from auspices thus severely careful at all points. The secret ttr0 "g 
which wHh small means it has been able to accomplish so much is 
that as an inducement to emigration it has gone 

ed capital inadvance of population Acc0 ^“f n eft to 

ical system, this rule is reversed, and population has been lett to 
e-roue blindly, without the advantage of fixed centers—with nulls, 
schools and churches—all calculated to soften the hardships of p o- 
neer life-such as have been established beforehand in Kansas^ 
Such sir, is the secret of the Emigrant Aid Company. By * 
single principle, which is now practically applied for the. first time 
In history, and ’which has the simplicity of genius, a “ J 

ciation at a distance, without a large capital, ^ b e “me a benefi¬ 
cent instrument of civilization, exercising the . functions of various 
societies, and in itself being a Missionary Society, a Bible Society, 
a Tract Society, an Education Society, and a Society for the Eittu-I 
sion of the Mechanical Arts. I would not claim too much for this 

company; but I doubt if, at this moment, there is any society which 

is so^completely philanthropic ; and since its leading idea, likei the 
light of a candle from which other candles are lighted without num¬ 
ber, may be applied indefinitely, it promises to be an important aid 
to human progress. 

THE EXTENT OF ITS LABOR. 


The lesson it teaches cannot be forgotten; and hereafter, wherevei 
unsettled lands exist, intelligent capital will lead the way, anticipat¬ 
ing the wants of the pioneer—while, amid well-arranged harmonies 
a Sew community will arise, to become by its example a more elo¬ 
quent preacher than any solitary missionary In subordination t< 
this essential idea, is its humbler machinery for the aid of emigrant 
on their way, by combining parties, so that friends and neighbor 
might journey together; by purchasing tickets at wholesale, am 
furnishing them to individuals at the actual cost; by providing to 
each party a conductor familiar with the road, and through thes 
simple means promoting the economy, safety and comfort oi th 
expedition The number of emigrants it has directly aided, eve 
thus slightly, in their journey, has been indefinitely exaggerate 
From the beginning of its operations down to the close ot the la* 
Autumn, all its detachments from Massachusetts, contained onl 
thirteen hundred and twelve persons. Such is the simple tale ( 
the Emigrant Aid Company. 




FREEMAN S MANUAL. 


59 


OFFICIAL LAWS OF KANSAS. 

CHAPTER 151. 

SLAVES. 

An Act to punish offenses against Slave property. 

Be it enacted by tbe Governor and Legislative Assembly of the 

Territory of Kansas, as follows : 

Sec. 1. That every person, bond or free, who shall be convicted 
of actually raising a rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free Negroes 
or Mulattoes in this territory, shall suffer death. 

Sec. 2. Every free person who shall aid or assist in any rebellion 
1 or insurrection of slaves, free Negroes or Mulattoes, or shall furnish 
arms, or do any overt act in furtherance of such rebellion or insur¬ 
rection, shall suffer death. 

Sec. 3. If any free person shall, by speaking, writing or print¬ 
ing, advise, persuade or induce any slave to rebel, conspire against 
or murder any citizen of this territory, or shall bring into, print, 
write, publish or circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, 
written, published or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in 
the bringing into, printing, writing, publishing or circulating in this 
| territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet or circular, for the 
purpose of exciting insurrection, rebellion, revolt or conspiracy on 
; the part of the slaves, free Negroes or Mulattoes, against the citi¬ 
zens of the territory, or any part of them, such person shall be 
guilty of felony and suffer death. 

Sec. 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of 
1 this territory any slave belonging to another, with intent to deprive 
the owner thereof of the services of such slave, or with intent to 
effect or procure the freedom of such slave, he shall be adjudged 
guilty of grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer 
death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Sec. 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, decoying or 
pursuading, or carrying away or sending out of this territory any 
slave belonging to another, with intent to procure or effect the free¬ 
dom of such slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof 
of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand 
larceny and on conviction thereof shall suffer death, or be imprison¬ 
ed at hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Sec. 6. If any person shall entice, decoy or carry away out of 
any State or other territory of the United States any slave belong¬ 
ing to another, with intent to procure or effect the freedom of such 
slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof of the ser¬ 
vices of such slave, and shall bring such slave into this territory, 
he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, in the same manner 
as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed or carried away out of 
this territory; and in such case the larceny may be charged to have 




60 


freeman’s manual. 


been committed in any county of this territory, into or through 
which such slave shall have been brought by such person, and on 
conviction thereof, the person offending shall suffer death, or be 
imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years. 

Sec. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade or induce any slave 
to escape from the service of his master or owner, in this territory, 
or shall aid or assist any slave in escaping from the service of his 
master or owner, or shall aid, assist, harbor or conceal any slave 
who may have escaped from the service of his master or owner, 
shall be deemed guilty of felony and punished by imprisonment at 
hard labor for a term of not less than five years. 

Sec. 8. If any person in this territory shall aid or assist, harbor I 
or conceal any slave who has escaped from the service of his master 
or owner, in another State or territory, such person shall be punish¬ 
ed in like manner as if such slave had escaped from the service of 
his master or owner in this territory. 

Sec. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while attempting 
to arrest any slave that may have escaped from the service of his 
master or owner, or shall rescue such slave when in custody of any 
officer or other person, or shall entice, pursuade, aid or assist such 
slave to escape from the custody of any officer or other person who 
may have such slave in custody, whether such slave has escaped 
from the service of his master or owner in this territory or in any 
other State or territory, the person so offending shall be guilty of 
felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of 
not less than two years. 

Sec. 10. If any marshal, sheriff or constable, or the deputy of 
any such officer, shall, when required by any person, refuse to aid 
or assist in the arrest and capture of any slave that may have escaped 
from the service of his master or owner, whether such slave shall | 
have escaped from his master or owner in this territory or any State 
or other territory, such officer shall be fined in a sum not less than 
one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars. 

. Sec * n * If an y person print, write, introduce into, publish or 
circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, published 
or circulated or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, print¬ 
ing, publishing or circulating within this territory any book, paper 
pamphlet, magazine, handbill, or circular, containing any statements* j 
arguments, opinions, sentiment, doctrine, advice or innuendo, calcu¬ 
lated to produce a disorderly, dangerous or rebellious disaffection 
among the slaves in this territory, or to induce such slaves to escape 
trom the service of their masters, or to resist their authority he 
shall be guilty of felony, and be punished by imprisonment and 
L a tJ hard labor for a term, not less than five years. 

Sec.. 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or 
maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in this terri¬ 
tory, or shall introduce into this territory, print, publish, write, 





freeman’s manual. 


61 


circulate, or caused to be introduced into this territory written 
printed or published or circulated in this territory any bods paper’ 
agazine, pamphlet or circular, containing any denial of the rmht 

dee P m e e r d°"it o° n laVe3 -h person ‘shaU'te 

laborforatenn nf f tT “fi? pUmshed b y imprisonment at hard 
laoor lor a tenn of not less than two years. 

ec. lo. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holdino* 

torr S sh°an W >° d ° eS ° 0t a<Jmit right t0 hold sl *™ s > in this tern? 

c as a juror on the trial of any prosecution for any 
vl< jiati° n of any of the sections of this act. * 

day of Septets, 6 ft Tsbf “ *"* ^ and the 

SACKING OF LAWRENCE—CONFESSIONS OF AN ENEMY. 

We take the following from the Missouri Republican. It is from 
his Kansas correspondent. This correspondent declares himself to 
be one oi the captains of the Law and Order party: 

lx Camp ox the Wakarusa, 9 o’clock, May 23,1856. 
particulars of the seige of lawrexce. 

Yoti will have heard rumors of the movements of the United States Mar- 
shal and forces, and will be surprised that I have not posted your readers 
bettei. That they were not better posted is explained by the fact that I am 
Captain of one of the companies under the Marshal, and have made forced 
marches, and been on piquet duty, as well as having charge of the camp: and 
for these reasons it will be easy to explain any apparent neglect. For five 
days and nights I have scarcely slept an hour at a time; indeed, at this mo- 
I ment, it is very hard to keep from going to sleep. 

The forces received orders on the evening of Tuesday, the 21st inst., to b<f 
m readiness to march at daylight and occupy the heights near Lawrence, 
which are a branch of what is called the “ Back-bone.” 

The troops were divided into two divisions—those encamped above Law¬ 
rence, in and around Lecompton, were the Upper Division, and those 
encamped in and around Franklin, the Lower. Col. Buford temporarily com¬ 
manded the latter. Col. T. Titus, late of Florida, and now of Lecompton, 
had charge of the cavalry, amounting to at least two hundred men, mounted 
on fine horses, while the U. 8. Marshal controlled the whole. Dr. J. H. 
Stringfellow acted as Colonel of a regiment. Among the cavalry I noticed 
Cen. C. W. Clark’s company, the Doniphan Tigers and the lvickapoo Ban¬ 
gers. It was regretted on all sides that Capt. Martin, of the latter company, 
was absent on account of the sickness of his wife. J 

The company from Fort Leavenworth made a good show in the lines. I 
regret that the names of all the companies, and those of their Captains, are 
not in my possession. 1 

When the Lo wer Division arrived on the Heights they found them occupied 
by the cavalry, which had taken possession of them at three o’clock in the 
morning. They were relieved by the infantry, and marched to breakfast ; 
when they returned, which was about 12 o’clock, the United States Marshal 
detailed a posse, who were sent with his deputy into Lawrence to make some 
arrests. Had they been resisted, as formerly, the army present would have 
6 




62 


freeman's manual. 


been called upon for assistance. But they did not resist, as on a previous 

occasion. _ . _ r 

As soon as the deputy and posse returned with the prisoners—some lour or 
five—the troops were dismissed by Col. Adie, acting for Major Donaldson, 
and were immediately summoned by him for Sheriff Jones to assist m carry¬ 
ing out an order of the United States Court. The Emigrant Aid Hotel and 
the two printing offices in Lawrence, the Herald of Freedt m and Free State, 
had been indicted for being nuisances, and the Sheriff ordeied to lemove 

ItTwas near four in the afternoon when Jones, though quite weak and much 
bent from the fatal effects of his wound, entered the town with twenty-five 
soldiers as an escort. Going up to the « Aid ” Hotel, Gen. Pomeroy was called 
for, and appearing, Jones told him he had come to demand the aims in town, 
and to destroy the hotel and printing offices, saying that he had five minutes 
to answer, if he would give up the arms and submit to the destruction men¬ 
tioned. Which was saying, “you have five minutes to give up or fight” He 
yielded, without much hesitation, what he said were all the arms they had 
of which he knew anything. They were a twelve pounder howitzer and 

three swivels. , 

That these were all is a lie, no doubt, the rest being concealed. J wo hours 
were then given the proprietors to remove the furniture from the hotel; they 
refused, and it was taken out by our men. Meanwhile, the Sheriff proceeded 
to demolish the two printing offices, which was effectually done in a very | 
short time. Most of the type was thrown in Kansas river, and the cases and 
presses smashed. This was done with less excitement than could have been 
expected. Indeed, few excesses were committed. Private property was or¬ 
dered to be respected, and it was respected. There was no liquor in the 
ranks, and that accounts for the coolness of the citizen-soldiers. It is true ] 
that Robinson’s house was burnt, but it was contrary to express orders and! 
was done by irresponsible men. Other things were also done, but they were 
fewer far than it was reasonable to expect. 

At the expiration of two hours, the artillery was drawn up in front of the 
public entrance to the hotel, and a dozen or fifteen shots fired into it, com¬ 
pletely riddling the inside and breaking holes in the wall; and after shaking] 
the walls with two or three blasts, the structure was fired, and before the sun 
went down all that remained of the Aid Hotel was a solitary wall, holding 
itself up as a warning to the law-breaker, and seeming to say, “Look at me 
and beware !” 

The following are some of the admissions made in the above' 
communication : 

1. Col. Adie was acting for Major Donaldson, in dismissing and 
reassembling the troops for Sheriff Jones. This corroborates the 
statement made by Mr. Hinman and others, that this was all done 
under the eye and confessed authority of Marshal Donaldson. 

2. That they were u carrying out an order of the United States 
Court." “ The Emigrant Aid Hotel (Free State Hotel) and the two 
printing offices in Lawrence, the Herald of Freedom and the Frei 
State, had been indicted for being nuisances and the sheriff ordered 
to remove them." 

3. “Few excesses were committed." We have already an in 
ventory of between 1 and 200,000 dollars worth of property des 
troyed and stolen. It was our purpose to give a brief history o: 
the preliminaries which led to the sacking of Lawrence and th< 
results somewhat in detail; but the report of the Congressiona 




freeman’s manual 


63 


Investigating Committee will soon be made and go before the country, 
so we conclude to omit here any further notice, save to say that all, 
and more than all, that the free State men have said touching Bor¬ 
der Humanism, and the complicity of the administration in it, will 
soon be made manifest, and will be spread before the country. 

BUCHANAN—HIS PROSPECTS. 

W e are not among those who think that Buchanan is harder to 
beat than would be Douglas : 

^ * S an man > an( ^ an f°9^ e a f that, and cannot com¬ 
mand the enthusiasm of “ Young America ” 

He ne ver had the element of personal popularity, 
m m He haS b<ien alm ° St everytllin S in poetics but a liberty-loving 

4. He is pledged to the Pierce, Douglas and Calhoun platform, 
against his own antecedents, his wisest convictions, and is, therefore, 
in an attitude of pledged hypocracy, in obedience to the demand of 
the black power. 

MR. BUCHANAN’S ACCEPTANCE. 

One of the political clubs of Philadelphia proceeded to Lancaster 
to congratulate Mr. Buchanan on his nomination. 

That gentleman in acknowledging the compliment spoke as fol¬ 
lows : r 

“ Gentlemen, two weeks since I should have made you a longer 
speech, but now I have been placed upon a platform of which I 
most heartily approve , and that can speak for me. Being the re¬ 
presentative of the great Democratic party, and not simply James 
Buchanan, I must square my conduct according to the platform of 
that party, and insert no new plank, nor take one from it. That 
platform is sufficiently broad and national for the whole Demo¬ 
cratic party. This glorious party, now more than ever, has de¬ 
monstrated that it is the true conservative party of the Constitution 
and of the Union.”— Chicago Journal, 12th June. 

HE HAD CONNECTION WITH THE “BARGAIN AND SALE” 
PLOT AGAINST HENRY CLAY. 

At his age, a reversal of all his former views on this slavery ques¬ 
tion, and uniting himself with the grand conspiracy of Pierce 
Douglas and the Southern extremists, against the fundamental prin¬ 
ciples of our government, is less excusable than it would be in a 
younger man, and will brand him with disgrace and distrust before 
the American people. 

We copy the following from the Galena Daily Advertiser: 

James Buchanan.— This gentleman is now “the Democratic ” 
candidate for the presidency. He was born in Pranklin county 
Pennsylvania, and studied the profession of law in Lancaster county, 


64 


freeman’s manual. 


/in that State. In 1814 and 1815 he was elected to the State Leg¬ 
islature as a Federalist. In that election his opponent, Mr. O. 
- 'Rogers, Democrat, was beaten by about 500 votes. In 1820, Mr. 
Buchanan was elected to the House of Bepresentatives, and retained 
his position there for ten years. During this time he was elected 
four times as a Federalist. His vote in those elections and that of 
his opponents was as follows : 


1820. 

James Buchanan, Federal.4642 

Jacob Hibshman, Democrat.3666 

1822 . 

James Buchanan, Federal.2753 

Jacob Hibshman, Democrat.1940 


1824. 

James Buchanan, Federal.3560 

Samuel Houston, Democrat.3046 

1826. 

James Buchanan, Federal.2700 

Dr. John McCaraant, Democrat- .2307 


In those days Mr. Buchanan was an avowed Federalist and op¬ 
posed Democracy with all the bitterness which characterized that 
party at that time. In 1829, we find his name appended to the 
following circular in recommendation of one Mr. Gregg, a candidate 
for the Pennsylvania legislature. The following is an extract: 


*< Copy of the circular issued by the Federalists of Lancaster in the election 
campaign of 1829, between Shultz and Gregg : 

“We, as Federalists, take the liberty of addressing you on the subject of 
the approaching election for Governor. We wish to communicate our senti¬ 
ments to you in confidence, and we are anxious that you should call on any 
of us when you visit Lancaster, and give us your opinion. We wish to be 
united—we desire both to give and to take counsel.” 


James Buchanan, 
Robert Coleman, 
Wm. Montgomery, 
George Ross, 

John Leonard, 
John Buckraan, 
Edward Coleman, 
Wm. R. Ross, 
George Hambright, 


Jasper Slay maker, 
John Stehman, 
George Musser, 

N. Lightner, 
Jasper T. Smith, 
Adam Reigart, 
James Carpenter, 
George Greaffe, 
Wm. Norris, 


John R. Montgomery, 
James Evans, 
Emanuel Reigart, 
Jacob Slough, 

John Reynolds, 

Wm. White, 

Henry Carpenter, 

R. Ober, 

George W. Jacobs. 


We refer to the above facts now, in order that this matter about 
Mr. Buchanan’s old original Democracy, may be clearly understood, 
and no mistake. 


Again, in 1825, we hear of Mr. Buchanan as prominently con¬ 
nected with the events of political history, in his connection with 
the u bargain and sale” plot against Henry Clay, which, perhaps, 
more than any other shaft of slander ever aimed at him, clouded 
the prospects of his political life. It will be borne in mind, that 
the charge against Mr. Clay was, that he voted in the House of 
Bepresentatives for John Q. Adams for President, in consideration 
that the latter would appoint him Secretary of State. It will also 
be borne in mind, that Mr. Buchanan was then the friend and sup¬ 
porter of Gen. Jackson. The facts in the case were no doubt these : 
A proposition was informally made to Mr. Clay, previous to the 
election of president, to go into Gen. Jackson’s cabinet, should the 
latter be elected, which election, it was understood, Mr. Clay held 











freeman’s manual. 


65 


in his own hand. Mr. Buchanan was the bearer of that proposition, 
in Jlayne s Horoscope, of 1847, the part borne by Mr. B. in the 
transaction is thus set forth : 

of'the uViie!i e i?i a ‘‘ U K , '^ 182 x?’ and “*>* before the election of President 
chanan th.n d . St ‘ k bj 5 h fv H ?i lse of Representatives, the Hon. James Bu- 
ofthelrnhetq^?™^ 1 ' ° f Tj thf ’ H ?“ se ’. and afterwards many years a Senator 
tial surmnrfer of p fr0 T m Penns 7 1 ™ ma ' who had been a zealobs and influen- 
tn Gen. Jackson, in the preceding canvass, and was supposed 

dtn7w a ^-f^ nd l C °^ denCe ’ Called at the Edgings of Mr. Clay, P hi the 

tlS TT 0U ‘ H • r ' C ;- J Was at that time in the room of his only mess- 
T 1 tL House, his intimate and confidential friend, the Horn R. P. 

ShorUy aRerMi ^^ 01 ' ° f ,Kentucky, then also a member of the House. 
of theanmnpM : Bu ^ aaaa ’sentry mto the room, he introduced the subject 
°fj,. e r hlDg - Presi dential election, and spoke of the certainty of the 

ttat ho adfin J ho would Jm the most splendi/cXnet 

tnat the eounti y had ever had. Mr. Letcher asked, < How could he have one 

and CalkH thaD th ?j£ f P* 'J fferson ' in which were both Madison 
1 1 ? r Y ould he be abl e to find equally eminent men?’ Mr 

Buchanan replied that ‘he would not go out of tSis room for a Secretary of 

fhathe °thou^ 7 ‘ T ^ S f eut i emaa (Mr. Clay) playfully remarked 

were^Mr^Bu^anan^'b^^. a »i^ 1Ulber fi * *» a ^i-tWer, unless it 
“Mr. Clay, while he was so hotly assailed with the charge of bargain, in- 
Buclmnm? c f °J' ru P tl0n ;. dur ; n g the administration of Mr. Adams, notified Mr. 
entrp«t °f hls inteB f lon to publish the above occurrence; but, bv the earnest 
enti eaties of that gentleman, he was induced to forbear doing so" 

tJ tn V Mv p m t S SinCG the a d mi nistration of Mr. Adams, it has been intima- 
ted to Mr. Buchanan, as we have been informed, that it might be Mr. Clay’s 

Mr P Buchauln t7 ^ [mhhs]l these facts ’ but that he was dissuaded from it by 

“ ^ add additional testimony, we state—and let it be denied if it can—that 
Mr. Olay has now in his possession a letter which, if published to the world, 
would pJace Mr. Buchanan in an embarrassing position. The letter comes 
from Mr Buchanan ; and no call on Mr. Clay will induce him to give it up, 
save one from his country —id est the Senate of the United States.’’ F 

While Mr. Clay was being pursued with all manner of abuse and 
detraction on a false charge, Mr. Buchanan, who could have effect¬ 
ually and forever refuted that charge with a single breath by doing 
him simple justice, stood calmly by and saw him writhe in his sensi¬ 
tive nature, with the poisoned shaft of slander festering in his spirit. 
W e shall not support Mr. Buchanan for the presidency. 


THE HEW YORK HERALD OH BUCHAHAH. 

The following prophecies of the N. Y. Herald we take from the 
Chicago Tribune of June 10, 1856 : 

There is no denying the fact that the N. Y. Herald is one of the 
most sagacious journals in the United States, though wholly desti¬ 
tute of political integrity. It has always managed to be on the 
winning side in a presidential election. Its prejudices are with the 
slave-holders; but they have not blinded it from discerning the 
mighty uprising of the people against the infernal outrages and 
aggressions of the pro-slavery party upon freedom and the Constitu¬ 
tion. It predicts thus early that Buchanan will be defeated. This 
is ominous. In 1840 the Herald predicted early in the campaign 


66 


freeman’s manual. 


that Van Buren would suffer a tremendous overthrow. In 1844 it 
differed with almost everybody in declaring that Clay would not be 
elected. Again in 1848 it boldly asserted that Old Zack. would be 
the next president. And in 1852 it ventured the opinion that 
Gen. Scott would be beaten by Pierce. It now insists that Buchan¬ 
an will be overthrown next fall by the free Kansas party. It says 
the people are resolved to revolutionize the policy inaugurated by 
the vacillating, criminal and bloody mal-administration of Pierce, 
Marcy and Jeff. Davis. And in view of that intense secession 
ultraism of the Sothern nigger drivers, which has infused itself into 
all the veins and arteries, the tissues, nerves and bones of the de¬ 
moralized modern democracy. 

The Herald proceeds to say : u The main question is, what are 
the prospects of the campaign? We anticipate one of the most 
exciting, tumultuous and revolutionary political contests, in all the 
history of the republic. Many of our hopeful democratic fellow- 
citizens affect to believe that there will hardly be a fight—that Mr. Bu¬ 
chanan, with hardly a show of resistance, will walk over the course. 
We have only to say, looking calmly over the whole field, that for 
all such as entertain the belief that there will be no struggle, the 
doors of some lunatic asylum had better be left open at once. We 
have no doubt of the fact that a vast majority of the American 
people, in the present distracted condition of the country, are oppos¬ 
ed to the democratic party, as debauched and demoralized under 
malign influence of this Pierce administration ; and we believe that 
there would still exist a majority of the American people opposed to 
the ratification of the debaucheries of this corrupted party, even if 
they should nominate as their representative an angel from heaven. 
This is our conviction and our belief. 

Grant that as an honest man and a statesman, Mr. Buchanan is a 
fair nomination, and that he is immeasurably superior to men of 
such small calibre as Pierce and his Forney Kitchen Cabinet, the 
impressive evidences are yet all around us of an impending revolu¬ 
tion. We shall have a revolution—we must have a revolution ; for 
a sweeping revolution is as necessary at times to purify the political 
atmosphere as is a summer thunder gust to clear away the miasma 
and corrupting exhalation of a long sickly siege of the dog days. 

We say that there is a majority of the American people through¬ 
out the Union opposed to the democratic party, as demoralized under 
the wicked and imbecile administration of Mr. Pierce. Whether 
the various and incongruous elements, active and passive, which en¬ 
ter into the composition of this majority, can be fused into a practi¬ 
cal shape for political action at this time, remains to be seen. The 
Northern anti-Filmore Know Nothing Convention which meets here 
on the 12th instant, and the coalition anti-slavery Convention which 
meets at Philadelphia on the 17th, will have, for this contest, the 
solution of the problem in their hands. 


freeman’s manual. 


67 


SOUTHERN IDEAS OF THE UNION. 

Of'the Union 8 ’ “°T been in fevor of the dissolution 

stetomont,^; ^publicans have never been reckless in their 

statements about the Union. But slave-holders have been eternallv 

neelssUv ald b j eatS ? f . dissoIut “ n > a " d philosophising about its 
necessity, and believing in its certainty as an ultimate, because thev 

have proceeded upon the ground that Slavery is one of thelerml 

from the N Y D ??L tlle T“-{7 fo l ‘ lo ^ in S estracts taka “ 

t3ei them W „11 d W ; 1 expIam tkemse lves. Let the reader 

mmit UeTsIni d^Xs^ ** ^ S ° UtbCTn press teems ** 

VI*** in i tbo P harleston Mercury, from whose papers we 
tionof theUnio y TT"" °“ S . laVery ’ insists that the^Lerra- 

erai* 6 ^ t t ° lt ™® < ^ ls ^ asSl ™P | d°“ St hat t theVed- 

his argum'enL"^-^^ 8 ^J^^Times^^Aprii ifth. °°^ ^ *°^ OW * n £ 

“ Why does the South base its statesmanship on the false hones 1 
of restoring the constitution and peace and harmony of the Union 
by accomphshmg that which is politically impossible by reason of 

make fhe “ ° f f ? The answer is *° d I dare to 

make the answer according to my convictions of the truth The 

““ hlP °- f * ?? Uth ’ 0Ur method of political thought, our 

that the n n ° Wthe Democratic party, proceed upon the ground 
that the Union is our centre of thought from which we must rea- 

7 Ut T ard ’.,? n< ? that the Y nu>n and the Constitution, and the pub- 
he liberty with them, can be preserved. " —" 

Now 1 assert broadly that these premises are erroneous, and the 
statesmanship and policy based upon them, therefore, cannot be true 

hotdTnl U T° H Uself ’- in i tS strwcture ’ organism, and aims, is 
based upon the assumption that a political impossibility will be ac¬ 
complished m its favor. The Union if (as ?) formed, is based upon 
the same fundamental error, while both proceed upon the addi¬ 
tional assumption that they can be preserved, and the public liberty 
oe also preserved with and by them. All these assumptions are 
founded upon the idea of homogemty in the people, whose political 
destiny they are to control, and hence the bright hopes they im¬ 
parted to lovers of liberty throughout the world during 1 the infancy 
of the republic. But is it not most apparent that when that homo- 
genity on which they rest is destroyed, as it has been destroyed, 
by the most extraordinary national developement and increase of 
populationi within the limits of the Union, brought about by the 
mflux of heterogenous ethnological elements, contributed by liter¬ 
ally all the nations of the earth, to an extent never before known 
in the annals of humanraces, then the principles of the Constitution 
and the Onion do not apply to the new condition of things in the 


freeman’s manual. 


68 

Union, and that too upon the well established principles of law, 
w hich is strongly applicable to the case, that when the reason upon 
which the law is founded ceases, the law ceases with it. 

The succeeding extract is from the Charleston Standard. 
t a While slaves have been excluded, the white race has come 
upon us. They can no longer come as masters, for the ranks ot the 
masters are full and nearly closed; they must come to offices ot 
labor; in offices of labor they will be in competition with the slave; 
the competition they must find irksome and repulsive, and ?> what¬ 
ever may be the theories on the subject, it must be the instinct of 
the white laborer in opposition to the slave, to seek a relief from the 
I severities of that condition. 

a ft was to be apprehended, therefore, that from a sudden in¬ 
crease of population under existing laws, there would be aroused m 
the ruling race a sentiment of opposition to our institution ; with¬ 
out such increase there was, as we have shown, no possibility of suc¬ 
cessful competition with the North, in both the fields before us r, it 
was hard to be defeated of equality in the Union and be forced to 
dissolution to preserve the functions of self-government; it was hard 
to leave our homes and native States, the subjects of contemptuous 
speculation, and for this it was that years ago we took the position 
that u the want of slavery was the slave trade ” and we^have cer¬ 
tainly not seen since, the cause for its abandonment. * * 

* * * We believe that the Union will be tempo¬ 

rarily prolonged by the introduction of slavery into Kansas, but we 
believe that it might be extended to an indefinitely distant period, 
by the restoration of the slave trade. With the certainty of turn¬ 
ing the balance of political power, we would have little motive to a 
dissolution; while the stability and repose of the North from the 
predominance of slave power in the government, would counter¬ 
balance any inclination they might have to leave us.” 


CHAPTER XI. 

Platforms . 

We present below our State Republican platform, and also the 
State and National platforms of the Slave Democracy. 

PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION 
Assembled at Bloomington, Thursday, 29th May, 1856 ; taken from the Chi¬ 
cago Democrat: 

Geo. T. Brown, of Madison, presented the following resolution: 

Resolved, That Stephen A. Douglas, having laid his ruthless hand, upon a 
sacred compact, which “had an origin akin to that of the Constitution, and 



freeman’s manual. 


69 


Wta ?r be A ">™» people,” has 
Of this governmenWiolated the SoSfidenM 5 1 f 1 f eCrean 1 t to the principles 
holds Lis seat in the Senate chamber tS u he pe ° ple of IlliD °is, and now 
The ^__ ' " h,le hB misrc P rfcSen t8 them. 


Tbo -xx . UG misl 'epresents them. 

made the folIwing^eport'wS ‘ hr ° Ugl1 .°' downing, Esq., 
W™, The present ad “t ^ r T ado P‘ed f 1 ’ 

ted all its energy to the propagation of Saver 1 " 16 ' 1 /. 8 P°' ras and devo- 
terntones heretofore dedicated to freedom t0 ,t8 ex,ensi °” into 

people of such territories- and to tuT J! ^ • fc th ® known wishes of the 

and of the press, and to the revival of tuSP 1 e ^ lon °f the freedom of speech 
treason, which has always been the report of Ivrw do ^ tn 1 ne . of constructive 
engine of injustice and oppression And ** and their most powerful 

effort is making to subvert the nrinoioi" wf wrcaa, we are convinced that an 

of our government, 8 and U Uic e h P '„^ 

sh ??ld r*A TherIfo?e ,he “' “ d lhe 


d 7 7 m "wuiiiii, snouia resist. Therefore - J 

pledge ourselves *%***** questions, we 

in its administration, to UlTpSX “ndw ^ ‘° lrin "' “ *"* 
and their great and good competitors of thi RolXtion^ 11 "®* 011 ’ Jefferson 

th^gr^tt^tMe^ne^,ofaH pa^es^ fo ^the^rs^^T 1 "^" 8 "r d practices of all 

constitutional rights of the South, that iwte i ^ -f 11 ™ ainfain all the 

freedom as expressed in our Declaration^ of Tn^ ^ umanif J» the principles of 
Constitution. a*nd the purity and perXitv and ° ur "&on«l 

heretofore free.^ 6 *° prCT6 “ fusion 

and^l,^^ 7T SB ’ “*>* 

States, and that the attemptsofthenresJnt^dm^ °- f , th f P^ghted faith of the 
Kansas against the known wishes ofUie legal voters oAw 1° f T® sl . ave, T into 
trary and tyrannous violation of the rightof tfce neonl^f temt °ry.is an arbi- 
and that we will strive bv all const i to t ion .lot I P J gOVern themselves, 
Nebraska the legal guaranty against slavnrv f v° ! ccure to Kansas and 

° f T1 '’r i0la ' i0n ° f the P’igtted fait? o/lthe* nation^ We ' e depriTed at 

E£' SafCSUard f ° r “* "i^hi b r o d nr°. f 

Resolved, That the spirit of our institutions as well as the ConcHtnf t 
our country guaranties the liberty of conscience as well ? ‘°? of 

onilL^ 

his course in the Senate meets with our unqualified appXuoh 


-—~ v.-. uu^nodtucu appiooation. 

addll' Went ^° 1 r .* I ?> of , Cook county, moved that the following be 
added as an additional plank to the platform : 







70 


freeman’s manual. 


Proved That we are in favor of tire strictest economy in the administration 
of the State government, and a faithful application of all its revenues to the 
Uo^Tof^SiZdeht. and that the practice of using our State funds 
^"“spYculation, whereby a very large defalcatum has occurred ,n.^u 
State treasury, cannot be too severely censured, and we theieioic take is 
with the resolution of the recent convention at Springfield, which endo se 
the course of our present Governor. Adopted unanimous y. 


state PLATFORM OF THE SLAVE DEMOCRACY, 

Adopted at the Springfield State Convention, May, 1856 ; taken from the 
1 Democratic Press. 


THE NEBRASKA PLATFORM. 


The following is the platform adopted by the Nebraska Conven¬ 
tion recently assembled in Springfield : 

1 Resolved That the Constitution of the United States is a political contract 
between the people of independent sovereignties which bestows paramount au ; o - 

tn the extent of the powers delegated to the States respectively or to the peo 
1 that a vWllrguard against the centralization of the reserved powers i 
essential to the°preservation of our institutions ; and that Congress lias no rig u 
aSrity to establish, abolish or prohibit slavery in the States and territories. 

0 That we affirm the time-honored principles of the Democracy, and believe that 
the only sure vu„!Tnty for the pudlic tranquility is by a. strict adherence to the pro- 
vision/of the°Constitution, and by non-intervention upon the subject of slavery, 
applying alike to the States and territories, observed m the passage of the Com- 
nromise measures of 1850, and confirmed in the Kansas and Nebraska act the 
corollary of the former measures, by which Congress have declared that it is then 
tme intent and meaning not to legislate slavery into any State or territory, nor to 
exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof free to form and regulate 
their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution 
of the United States; and that we do pledge ourselves to maintain and execute 
the Compromise of 1850, including the Fugitive Slave Law, and Kansas and N e¬ 
braska act of 1854, as we hold that they are wise and just measures, and should 
remain undisturbed for the preservation of the national peace, and the union 

th g ^That the Constitution of the United States is founded upon the fundamental 
principle of entire and absolute equality among all the States of this Union, and 
it is not competent for the Congress or any other power to impose upon new States 
comine into the Union, any conditioner restriction in respect to their domestic 
institutions or internal concerns which the federal constitution has not imposed 
upon the original States; and that any effort on the part of Congress or any other 
power to violate this principle, should be resisted by all good citizens, as an at¬ 
tempt to trample upon the Constitution and destroy our Union. That the restric¬ 
tion of the Missouri Compromise would be a flagrant violation of the Constitution 
of the United States, and the principle of self-government, and would be in direct 
conflict with treaty stipulations and guaranties and the right of the people of the 
new States to make and alter their constitutions of government and local institu¬ 
tions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. _ 

4. That all men have a natural right, antecedent to the formation of civil socie- 
tv and beyond the control of government, to religious freedom, the surrender ot 
which is not necessary to the temporal welfare of the State, and cannot be relin¬ 
quished even by the consent of the citizen, in a free government; that much less 
can any mere party of faction regulate that right by any party compact, against 
his consent, without violating this cardinal principle and the spirit of our Consti¬ 
tution, our laws, and our free government; and that the civil rights, privileges or 
capacities of any citizen should in no wise be diminished or enlarged on account 

of his religion. , ... c TT ., , 

5. That we do not recognize any distinction among the citizens oi the United 
States based upon the aristocratic principle of birth, and we hold that it is dishon¬ 
est to repudiate the contract given by the government, conferring all the rights ol 


freeman’s MANUAL. 71 

paet'todebM nTturaH “ato^nf^ t y * P f ty eora - 

joct to the full burthens of the agreement ” ° ’ ’ ’ we leave them aub - 

“IK and “ the legislature, 

States, or to abrogate or SricUhe Ll r 7 t ' he “ atu ''uIization laws of the United 

V nitod States ft as a the r supreme°law 0 ^f S the n iaml C ^r 0W ^^ e f he ConsmuttoiV r th°o f 

eternal fidelity to its snored provision* ’ 4 “ S '“ p l01t “bedience and 

the'people “egutd frSdom^tLat" ^ * m * Mm ° f «» toteUiger.ee of 

fSSSS^SSSSSSSSiSf 3 ^ 

inestimable blessings of civil and religious liberty Preservation oi the 

by Stephen A^Douglas^ 2dZt fhi“b'' 

THE OLD DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM AND WHO DREW IT. 

From the Chicago Democrat June 14th. 

i, ^ he followm ^ 1S one ? f the resolutions, passed unanimously by 
the Congressional convention of tbe democratic party for the district 

f I p 1 ^ 01 ^ h !j d at Johe > September 11th, 1850, and published in 
^he Chicago Democrat of Sept. 21st, 1850 : * 

an ^Ti lVe<1, Tha , t 1 we are uncompromisingly opposed to the extension of slavery • 
?nte r r^nf W t 6 hr°cS ld t DOt . mak ? + such opposition a ground of interference with the 
S States + where e * lsts > y Qt we moderately but firmly insist that it is 
the duty of Congress to oppose its extension to territory now free, by all means 
compatible with the obligations of the Constitution, and with good faith to our 
Sister States; that these principles were recognized by the ordinance of 1787 
which received the sanction of Thomas Jefferson, who is acknowledged by all to be 
the great oracle and expounder of our faith. g 7 a11 t0 be 

th Jabove 1 - 0 ^ 112 Sentlemeu were u P on the c °m“itee which reported 

Joel A. Matteson, of Will county (present Governor:') E. W 
Smith of McHenry county; Nathan Allen, of Du Page county; 

i 0h ™,’- 0f La ® a l le T C0Unty ’ P - J - Burchell > of Kane county; 
A j M . cA 1t IamS ’ °! McLean county; J.A. Whiteman,of Irqouois, 
and A. Newton, of Kendall. ^ ’ 

THE BALTIMORE PLATFORM OF JUNE, 1852, REAFFIRMED. 

1. Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelli 
gence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people 



72 


freeman’s manual. 


2. Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political 
creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world as the great moial 
element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular 
will; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of federalism, undei 
whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and 
which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the puotic credulity. 

3. Resolved, therefore, That entertaining these views, the Democratic party 
of this Union, through their delegates assembled in general convention, com- 
lnff together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a 
tree representative government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for the 
rectitude of their intentions, renew and reassert before the American people 
the declaration of principles avowed by them when, on former occasions, m 
general convention, they have presented their candidates for the popular suf¬ 
frages : 

1. That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitu¬ 
tion, and the grants of power therein ought to be strictly construed by all the ^P^tme" ® 
and agents of the government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise uoubtful 

constitutional powers. ..____ . 

2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the pouer to com 

mence and carry on a general system of internal improvement. , ,. 

3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the federal government, direc y 
or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local and internal 
improvements or other State purposes, nor would such assumption be just or expedient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal government to foster one branch oi 
industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the 
injury of another portion of our common country; that every citizen, and every section ot 
the country, has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and 
to complete an ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence or foreign 

is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most 
rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised 
than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual 

but certain extinction of the public debt. . . ,. 

6 That Congress has no power to charter a national hank; that we believe such an insti¬ 
tution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republi¬ 
can institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business ot the 
country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will 
of the people; and that the results of democratic legislation, in this and all other financial 
measures upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the couuti i, 
have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all parties, their soundness, safety and 

utility in all business pursuits. _ 

7. that the separation of the moneys of the government from hanking institutions is 
indispensible for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. 

8. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, 
and" sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of 
the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the democratic faith, and 
every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us 
ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our 
statute books. 

9. That Congress has no power under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the 
domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper 
judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; 
that all efforts of the abolitionists and others made to induce Congress to interfere with 
questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to 
the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable 
tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanence 
of the Union and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 


4. Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to 
embrace, the -whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and, therefore, 
the Democratic party of the Uuion, standing on this national platform, will 
abide by, and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compro¬ 
mise Measures settled by the last Congress, “ the act for reclaiming fugitives 
from service or labor” included ; which act, being; designed to carry out an 
express provision of the constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed 
or so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, 
in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever 
shape or color the attempt may be made. 


freeman’s manual. 


73 


plied to the n'aUona/ohi edS • « f j be P^ blic lands ought to be sacredly ap¬ 
posed to wyTw folSi SSffiS? ? ConStitu , tio “’ aad that we ^op- 
alike inexpedient in nnl.W 1 ^ of such proceeds among the States, as 

7. Jfcw/S X t0 the Constitution. 

the quali^d Vjto DoT e r^ C wh'I 7 , 0|;p0SC i?, taking from ihe President 

ponsibilities amnl?sX’ie,{, I ,Vu « nder restrictions and res- 

age of a bill whoi mfrSf nt * ? Uard the P ublic interest, to suspend the pass- 
SenateLd ^ tSCannotsecure the a PP™val of two-thirds of the 

be obtained^Weon and'Svi,^ "““‘‘be Judgment of the people can 
runt anrl btr, 6 , eo ”’ and .^hioh has saved the American people from the cor- 

a^orrupti^nff^ystera of General 1 ini * he 1 Ba " k ." f ™£d Statesandfrl 

the 8 p5n“/pi* l T a^d a Twn D fnTheK iC HTSSfuUy abide by, and uphold 

aid ancl'con^fort to*the^nemy 5” b7 « ^hat^iven 

ma ^pon the^results 1 of* that war! 1 whhdf h^ve° so 

^ C ° DdUCt ° f the D -ocratic party, and in- 
future.^ “indemnity for the past, and security for the 

01 ]"“’ in vie 7,° f tbe condition of popular institutions in the 

JmmTfwf h gh ? nd sa ® red , dn 1 t 7 IS devolved with increased responsibility 
bold indDemocratic party of this country, as the party of the people, to up^ 

S^ and dT mta I nthe d gh i tS ° f GVerj State ’ and thereby theumon of the 
State., and to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, by con- 

few IZtZ monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the 

tlL nin i rf tLe ma “ 7 ’ and by a vi g ila »tand constant adherence to 
those prinmptes and compromises of the constitution which are broad enough 

t0 e T b f a rf and u P bold the Union as it was, the Union as 

Jildrt li nf- Uni0 f as ^ &ha 1 be - m the ful1 ex P aasi °n of the energies and ca¬ 
pacity of this great and progressive people.” 


THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PLATFORM ADOPTED AT CINCIN¬ 
NATI JUNE 1856. 


And Whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was universally^ adopted by our 
I predecessors m national conventions, and adverse political and religious test has 
| been secretly organized by a party claiming to be exclusively American, it is oroper 
l that the American democracy should clearly define its relations thereto, and de¬ 
clare its determined opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name 
they may be called. 


Resolved, That the foundation of this Union of States having been laid in, and 
its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free government built upon, 
entire freedom in matters of religious concernment, and no respect of person, in 
regard to rank-or place of birth; no party can be justly deemed national, constitu¬ 
tional, or in accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive organ¬ 
ization upon religious opinions and accidental birth-place. And hence a political 
crusade m the nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, against 
Catholics and foreign born, is neither justified by the past history or the future 
prospects of the country, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlarged 





74 


freeman’s manual. 


freedom wliicli peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular govern¬ 
ment. 

Resolved, That we reiterate, with a renewed energy of purpose, the well-consid¬ 
ered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic 
slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the States— 

1. That CoDgresa has no power under the Constitution to interfere with or control the 
domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper 
judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; 
that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with ques- , 
tions of slavery, or to take incident steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most 
alarming and dangerous consequences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency 
to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the 
Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 

2. That the foregoing propositions cover, and was intended to embrace the whole subject 
of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the democratic party of the Union, standing 
on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known 
as the Compromise Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, “the act for reclaiming fugi¬ 
tives from service or labor,” included ; which act being designed to carry out an express pro¬ 
vision of the Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed or so changed as to 
destroy or impair its efficiency. 

3. That the democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, 
the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be 
made. 

4. That the democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down 
in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the 
Virginia Legislature, in 1790 : that it adopts these principles as constituting one of the main 
foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them outin their obvious meaning 
and import. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, subsisting ex¬ 
clusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the people, North or South, 
to the Constitution and the Union— 

1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and desiring the co-operation of all 
who regard the preservation of the Union under the Constitution as the paramount 
issue—and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic I 
slavery, which seek to embroil the States and incite to treason and armed resis- j 
tance to law in the territories; and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must I 
end in civil war and disunion—the American democracy recognize and adopt the 
principles contained in the organic laws establishing the territories of Kansas and 
Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the ‘‘slavery ques- > 
tion,” upon which the great national idea of the people of this whole country can ' 
repose in its determined conservatism of the Union — Non-interference by Congress j 
with slavery in State and territory, or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the Compromises of 1850—confirmed by both the j 
democratic and whig parties in national conventions—ratified by the people in the 
election of 1852—and rightly applied in the organization of territories in 1854. 

3. That the uniform application of this democratic principle to the organiza¬ 
tion of territories, and to the admission of new States with or without domestic 
slavery, as they may elect—the equal rights of all the States will be preserved 
intact—the original compacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate—and the 
perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to its utmost capacity, of embrac¬ 
ing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted; 
or annexed, with a republican form of government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the territories, includ¬ 
ing Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of 
a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants jus¬ 
tifies it, to form a constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted 
into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. 

Resolved, finally. That in view of the condition of popular institutions in the 
old world, (and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combined with the 
attempt to enforce civil and religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring 
and enjoying citizenship in our own land)—a high and sacred duty is devolved 
with increased responsibility upon the Democratic party of this country, as the 
party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every State, and thereby 
the Union of the States ; and to sustain and advance among us constitutional lib¬ 
erty, by continuing to resist all Monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit 
of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherenct 







freeman’s manual. 


75 


this great and progressive p’eoplf ““ expanslon of the energies and capacity of 

ntiflr ° Ur geographical and political position with reference to tho 

the dev 8 °V h f continen V*o less than the interestof Z commerceand 
pr nc pTesTnToWed TtSV!^ that ™ ^.nld hold a~d the 

n-TT?;K“ 

oommun.aat.on between the Atlantic and Pacilie Ocean , “onstitnto one of the 

* the **“ ° f “ thf fn! 

Kgh? todaim over U.Tnd n^powt^Lrth fhould 0 ^^ m 

policy to es a!ntlTf eSS by iDterfere "“ with the relations i? maysuited 
P “,!7 t “ establlsl >. between our government and the government of the States 

I™ 7 d0 T 1,Jn , 11 HeS - We can > "o circumstance, surrender our 

preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it. 

^ That> view of so commanding an interest, the people of he 
neonhfnf P t Ca i n A ^ ^ m P athize ™th the efforts which are being m£de by the 
P ®° P * e f Central America, to regenerate that portion of the continent which 0 * 
6rs the passage across the inter-oceanic isthmus. 

tW tt e :° lVed ’ Th w Dem ? cratic P art y wil1 expect of the next administration 
that every proper effort he made to insure our ascendancy in the gulf of Mexico 

emnP°d ma \ U i nap . erma ^ entp r tecti0n to the S reafc outlets through which are 
emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil, and the* commodities 

largtT^ ^ ^ mduStry ° f the people of our Western valleys and of the Union at 

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

The following is an authentic copy of the National Republican 
Platform adopted at Philadelphia, June 18,1856. It is a good one 
and the people will go for it, and for free speech, free territory free 
men and Fremont : 

Whereas, This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call ad¬ 
dressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differ 
ences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to 
the policy of the present administration, to the extension of slavery into free ter 
fa y orof admi ssion of Kansas as a free State; of the restoring the action 
of the federal government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson, and for 
the purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of President and Vice President 
Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declara¬ 
tion of Independence and embodied in the federal constitution, essential to the 
preservation of our Republican institutions, the federal constitution and the rights 
of the States; and that the union of the States shall be preserved. 

Resolved, That with our republican Fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth 
that all men are endowed with the undeniable right of life, liberty and the pursuit 
of happiness; that the primary object and ulterior design of our federal government 
were to secure those rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; that as 
our republican Fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national terri 
tory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without 
due process of law; it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Con¬ 
stitution, against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing Slavery in 





76 


freeman’s manual. 


the United States, by positive legislation prohibiting its existence or extension 
therein; that we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of 
any individuals or association, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of 
the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 

Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the 
territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of 
their power, it is both the right and duty of Congress to prohibit in the territo¬ 
ries, these twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery. 

Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was ordained and 
established by the people in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, 
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense and secure the bles¬ 
sings of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the protection of life, liberty, 
and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the people of 
Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them ; their territory has 
been invaded by an armed force, spurious and pretended legislative, judicial and 
executive officers have been set over them—by whose usurped authority, sustained 
by the military power of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws 
have been enacted and enforced; the rights of the people to keep and bear arms 
have been infringed; test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have 
been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding 
offices; the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by an impartial 
jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure in their persons, 
houses, their papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has 
been violated; they have been deprived of life, liberty and property without due 
process of law; that the freedom of speech and the press has been abridged; the 
right to choose their representatives has been made of no effect; murders, robber¬ 
ies and arson have been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been 
allowed to go unpunished; that all these things have been done with the knowledge, 
sanction and procurement of the present administration, and that for this high 
crime against the Constitution, the Union and humanity, we arraign the adminis¬ 
tration, the president, his advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, 
either before or after the facts, before the country and before the world, and that 
it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, 
and their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. 

Resolved, That Kansas should be admitted as a State of the Union with her pres¬ 
ent free Constitution, as at once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens 
the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of end¬ 
ing the civil strife now raging in her territory. 

Resolved, That the highwayman’s plea, that might makes right, embodied in the 
Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would 
bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their sanc¬ 
tion. 

Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean by the more central and practi¬ 
cal route is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, and that 
the federal government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construc¬ 
tion, and, as an auxilliary thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route 
on the line of the railroad. 

Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improvement of rivers and 
harbors, of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of our 
existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by the'oblma- 
tion of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-operation of the men of all par¬ 
ties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principle herein 
declared, and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitu¬ 
tion of our country, guaranties liberty of conscience and equality of rights amon°- 
the citizens we oppose all legislation impairing their security. ° 


freeman’s ‘MANUAL. 


77 


CHAPTER XII. 


A Summary Statement of the Whole Matter . 

tion? 0 f ° regoiu§ recoi ' d ’ settles indubitably the following proposi- 

1. That our revolutionary fathers believed in the inalienable rights 
oi l^unmn nature to life;,liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

mat the war of the revolution was waged in behalf of these 
fundamental rights. ; 

evd That regaidod slaver «7 as an enormous moral and political 


4. That while they could not with their views interfere politically 
blot it o V t 7 m 6 thejdid aU the ^ could t0 di scourage and 


5. Ihey would not allow the idea that there could be property in 

man to be recognized in the constitution, and promptly ruled the 
word slave , out ol it. J 

6. The_ State (slave, as well as free) ,and national courts have al¬ 
ways ruled that slavery was contrary to common-law and natural) us- 
tice, that it is not included in the word “commerce” in the consti- 
tution, but is the creation of arbitrary enactments of “ positive law ” 

t . 1 he nation has uniformally acted upon this principle, and has 
reiuseo. to pay for slaves,, when impressed into the United States ser¬ 
vice; while it has paid for horses, mules; carts, and other property 
it has uniformally refused to pay for men. ■ ■ s 

. 8. That in 1767 and 1789, the old and the new Congress, the 
former by enacting the ordinance of '87 and the latter by endors¬ 
ing it, jointly ^proclaimed the power of; Congress to exclude slavery 
irom, and abolish it in, United States territory. ' ' 

.■j, AM th “ P° we * of Cowgress was never denied to any extent', 
till alter the publication of the Cass-Nieholson letter in ’48, nor was 
it repudiated by the so-called Democratic party, till that party en¬ 
dorsed the infamous Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854. 

10. that while that deceptive and revolutionary bill seemed ; to 
secure (and was only designed to seem in the North,) the squatters 
m the territory the right to exclude slavery, that in fact it was de¬ 
signed, to uo no such thing. 

11. That it endorses the Calhoun doctrine that slavery cannot be 
interfered with in United States, territory by Congress or the squat¬ 
ters, but only by the people of the territory when they come to form 
a State. 


12. That the slave Democracy have in the Illinois State platform 
and in the National Cincinnati platform, plumply endorsed this Cal¬ 
houn dogma, and proclaimed the crime of human slavery a perma¬ 
nent national constitutional institution. 

13. That thus the so-called Democratic party, have repudiated 


78 


freeman’s manual. 


the Declaration,—the views of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
Munroe, and Jackson,—have repudiated that which was the faith of 
their own party, till within three years,—have become the body 
guard of 300,000 petty despots,—a purely sectional party, in behalf 
of a local, immoral, impolitic, impoverishing, labor-degrading in¬ 
stitution ;—a party for the spread of slave-Negrodom ! 

14. That wherever slavery goes it thwarts the great ends of good 
government. It impoverishes and keeps down the price of land, it 
hinders emigration, it renders impracticable the common school sys¬ 
tem, it degrades labor, it begets a personal contempt of labor and the 
laborer in the privileged class. That when farmers, artisans, black¬ 
smiths, wagon makers, carpenters, joiners, draymen, are bought and 
sold, all who engage in these employments are degraded. 

15. That this slave Democracy is now intent on spreading slavery 
in all our Western territory, that our German, Swiss, Norwegian, 
and Irish emigrants may have the privilege of working side by side 
in the same employments, with Negro slave men and women. 

16. That the design of those who created the Kansas-Nebraska 
bill, has been carried out in Kansas, by the border ruffians. 

17. That Missourians elected the Kansas legislature, and elected 
Missourians to it, that the laws passed are Missouri laws, and were 
passed by Missourians; that those laws are so monstrous that no free 
man can submit to them. 

18. That the free State men have all the while showed a most 
commendable spirit, that they have, in the main, acted right. 

19. That in forming a State constitution, throwing themselves 
back upon their own sovereignty, they have acted rightly and with 
abundant precedent. 

20. That the N. E. E. Aid Society has been most slanderously rep¬ 
resented by Douglas and others, and has violated no law, human or 
divine. 

21. That Lawrence has been visited, the Free State Hotel burned, 
and the two printing presses destroyed, by order of the U. S. Court, 
and under the authority of a U. S. Deputy Marshal. That this out¬ 
rage lies at the door of the Administration, and that this U. S. law 
and order army plundered the city to the tune of from $100,000 to 
$300,000. 

Finally ; that this slave Democracy, blind to the history of the 
past, and deaf to the warning of the present, seem to know not that 
there is a God of justice who rules over the affairs of men. That if 
there is one principle more scientifically settled in the history of the 
past, and in the foregoing record, than any other, it is—as a nation 
sows, it shall reap. We are now gathering the first fruits of the 
bloody harvest of our mis-deeds as a people. What shall the end 
be if we. come not back to first principles, and restore the govern¬ 
ment to its primitive position, nationalizing and fostering liberty, 
and localizing and discouraging slavery. - 











> 


.... ....... 



■ 






CONTENTS. 




PAGE 


Are all men born with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ?... 5 

CHAPTER I, 


Calhoun on the American Declaration. 5 

Chancellor Harper, do. o 

Charleston (8. C.) Mercury, do. 5 

Senator Tetit, do. 5 

Douglas &c. &c., do. 5 

Jefferson’s original draught of the Declaration. 5 

The American Declaration of Rights. 6 

Rights of Human Nature, by the old Congress. 6 

Jefferson Again. 7 


CHAPTER II. 

Does the Constitution Sanction the Idea of Property in Man ?—Outside of Slave States car¬ 


ries and Protects only Liberty. 7 

Slavery can Exist only by Positive Law. 7 

Opinion of Lord Mansfield. 7 

Opinion of Supreme Courts of Mississippi, Missouri, Louisiana. 8 

Word Slave not allowed to pollute the Instrument.!. 8 

Preamble. 8 

History of the Fifth Article of Amendments to U. S. Constitution. 8 

The Amendment itself. 9 

Contemporaneous Opinions and Declarations—Morris, Ellsworth, Madison, Gerry, Sherman, 

&c. John Jay, in Federalist—Butler, Pinckney, Wilson, &e... 9 

A Distinguished Living Statesman... 9 

Opinion of Supreme Court, delivered b} r Justice McLean. 10 

Only Clauses in the Constitution which can be made to Recognize Slavery. 11 

Most Important Opinion of Madison, touching the Power of Congress over Slavery in the 
States in a Certain Contingency. 12 


CHAPTER III. 

The General Government has uniformly refused to pay for Slaves as Property, till a re¬ 


cent date... 13 

Declaration of the Register of the Treasury. 13 

First Attempt to make Government pay for Slaves, in 1816. 13 

Paid for Horse and Cart, not for Slaves . 14 

Report of Committee, in 1828.. 

Vote of the House, in ’43."””.”l5 


CHAPTER IV. 

The Power of the General Government to Prohibit Slavery in the U. S. Territory never to 

any extent denied till 1848, and not repudiated by the Democratic Party till ’54.......\16 

Jefferson’s Proviso of 1784. ."”....16 

Ordinance of ’87. 16 

Endorsed by the First Congress under the Constitution ....."””.17 

Brief History of the Departure of the Government from its Original Policy','"the'reason 

specious. is 

Monroe’s Cabinet. *'ig 

New Hampshire Democracy. 19 

President Pierce in ’45 and’51... ng 

Douglas’ Letter about Benton. oo 

Benton, Douglas and Shields. •>! 

Henry Clay on Extension. "..o-i 

Daniel Webster in 1848. 91 

Washington on Intervention ....... 1 . 1 ........., .”. 21 

















































CONTENTS. 


81 


Attorney General Cushing, in 1836. PA< 21 

Douglas not Abandoned—Prohibitory Policy 7th of January. 1854.!.ot 

Which Party “Black.”......"..22 

CHAPTER V. 

Does the Free or Slave Policy further the ends of good government, promote the Intelli- 

gence, Dignity and Prosperity of the Free Laborer ?. 90 

President Pierce’s Charge on Republicans. . 99 

Influence of Slavery on Population. 9 <> 

Important Tables. . 

Bearing of Slavery, on the Value of Land.'.".'.’.’.'..’!!!."!. 

Boston against South Carolina. . 

Manufactures, North and South. $ 

Property of Free and Slave States.!.!!!!!!!!!!!!!. 9 « 

Inventions. f? 

Schools and Illiterate Persons..!!!!!..!!!......11!.....!...........!..27 

^f?;j. orit y School Directors should know how to Read. "97 

Military Power.....!!.’.””.28 

CHAPTER VI. 

Southern Ideas of Liberty—What they Think of the Declaration. 90 

Rich Men and Slave-holders our sole dependence. . 9 o 

Slavery the Law of Nature.....!!!!!.. 90 

G< 7 ya 2 . rd ains Sl%l®ry Laborers should "te'siaves—What*siave-holdere*think'of " 6 id L*ine 

Democracy—W hat a Horrible Thing Real Democracy is—How Slave-holders Govern Free 
L*aoorers—White Slaves. oa 

O fficer s-The Declaration an Abstraction—Slave-holders 
American Nobility—Political Power to be taken From Laborers—Slavery the Sbeet- 
anchor of our Liberties—Slavery the Universal Condition of Laborers 31 

Our own Race saved the degradation of Work.-Every Northern man offers himself for sale! 
Could anything be Cooler ?. 32 

CHAPTER VII. 

The Issue presented and demand'made by the Slave Oligarchy. <v> 

Charleston News One of the Southern Gentry—Squatter Sovereignty Repudiated—Pow 
t er of Congress over Territories—But no power to exclude Slavery—Mark bit u 

Issue Conceded—Demand Acknowledged. . Xt 

Southern View—Brown—Prescott-South Side Democrat^-Chase’s' Amen^n^Douiw 
recent Report on Kansas Affairs. gla s 

AH Rights of Territories must come through an Act’of Congress—^The’ Springfleidsiavo- 
cratm Resolution—The New Faith of so-called Democracy—The Calhoun Doctrine. 37 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Bearing of Slavery on Non-Slave-holders of the South-Poor Whites of the South-De¬ 
J^Upheaving of our Masses-How they ol)tain'a pVecaVious VsuQsVence"!''"..oj 

Glad to Work for half-pnee-Tbe number that don’t Work-School Fund-Waste of Monev 
A Step in Advance of the Indian—Christianizing our poor Whites. . ^40 

Our Half-fed. Half-clothed Whites—The Poor White Man will endure the evils of' Pinching 
Poverty rather than work beside the Negro-One Master grasps the whole Domain 41 

CHAPTER IX, 

Kansas—Invasion of. . . 

Elections carried by the Border Ruffians, by persons out of Kansas—Free State Party State 
ment... J .. 

Slave State Party Statement...V."..V.V.*.V.V. # . 44 

Case Summed Up.!.!."!!!!!.....*."."."!"!.*. 4 ? 

Known by their Fruits. .'.‘V"' 

More Proof... 40 4 

Inconsistency of President Pierce—Dorr Rebellion.!!!!!!!!!!!!!”!!!. 49 

Pierce’s Congratulatory Speech—Resolutions—Hale’s Application!!!!!!!!!!!!'.!!!!.!!!!!'.!!!!!!!. 50 

A Precedent for the Free State Convention in the case of Michigan." .u 

Vote of Pierce, Buchanan, Benton, Silas Wright, &c.—Cass in heart fav’orabiy inciined’to 
the Tree State Men—Qualifications tor voting in Kansas. 52 & 53 

CHAPTER X. 

Emigrant Aid Society—The Society Assailed—Men organize for all Purposes_Such Socip 

ties no recent Invention. 

How and for What it was Organized—A lie ExposedV.V.V.iV.V.V.V.V.’.. 55 

Another Lie Exposed—A Bach of Lies Disposed of. . . 56 

Not an Abolition Society—Mr. Chapman’s Testimony.!!!!!!!!'.'.'.!!!!!. 57 

Plants Capital in Advance of Population—The Extent of its Labors....!!!!!.... 5 a 

Official Laws of Kansas—An Act to punish offenses against Slave Property—Six' cases' pun¬ 
ished with Death. J * ^g 


















































82 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE. 

Worse and Worse..........60 

A man must be a theoretical Villain to sit as a Juror—Sacking ot Lawrence—Confessions 

of an Enemy.61 & 

Buchanan—his Prospects— Easier beaten than would be Douglas—Square on the Platform 63 

Bargain and Sale plot against Henry Clay.63, 64 a 6c 

Prophecies of the New York Herald.65 A 6 f 

Southern Ideas of the Union.6< 


CHAPTER XI. 


Platforms. 6 ? 

Platform of Illinois Republican State Convention.,.69 

Illinois State Platform of the Slave Democracy.70 

The Old Democratic Platform of the Congressional Democratic Convention held at Joliet 

Sept. 11, 1850 .71 

The Baltimore Platform of June 1852, Reaffirmed.71, 72 A 73 

The Democratic National Platform adopted at Cincinnati June 1856.73, 74 A 75 

National Republican Platform, adopted at Philadelphia June 18, 1856 .75 A 76 

CHAPTER XII. 

A Summary Statement of the Whole Matter.77 A 78 

Contents .....80, 81 A 82 


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